996 resultados para Business associations


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In this paper I argue that factors such as conflicting pressures for food regulation reform and continuing industry assistance programs have made conditions even more favourable for collective business interest representation in Australia's food processing sector. The push by firms for less onerous and more business-friendly regulation has run up against environmental and social pressures/or more rigorous regulatory controls, as awareness grows ofthe risks ofnew technologies. The case of the Australian Food and Grocery Council (AFGC) illustrates the issues. The extent to which this association participates directly in the design and implementation of public policy is indicative of a decline in the autonomy of politicians and the state bureaucracy vis-a-vis the ideology and interests of business.

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This paper examines the stmcture, function and role of local business associations in home based business development within an urban region. Casey local government area (LOA), Victoria, is the focus, where nine local business associations in the area (as well as the local council) are evaluated in the context of support for local-based business development. The evaluation draws upon primary data co llected by surveys of local home based businesses, and follows up by semi-stmctured interviews of representatives from these business associations and the local council. This paper identifies that local business associations are fragmented and have significant overlap in their activities of which the commonest activity is acting as a knowledge distribution node. The cash strapped local council is the most important node. All are restricted by vision and resources. As a result, the services provided have little impact on sustainable business development in Casey.

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This paper examines the structure, function and role of local business associations in home based business development within an urban region. Casey local government area (LGA), Victoria, is the focus, where nine local business associations in the area (as well as the local council) are evaluated in the context of support for local-based business development. The evaluation draws upon primary data collected by surveys of local home based businesses, and follows up by semi-structured interviews of representatives from these business associations and the local council. This paper identifies that local business associations are fragmented and have significant overlap in their activities, of which the commonest activity is acting as a knowledge distribution node. The cash strapped local council is the most important node. All are restricted by vision and resources. As a result, the services provided have little impact on sustainable business development in Casey.

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Political devolution in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland and the developing regional agenda in England are prompting changes in the organization of business interest representation within the devolved and decentralized territories. In this paper we seek to describe the realignment of business interest representation at the 'regional' scale, first through a detailed review of changes underway across specific business associations and representative fora, and secondly through an initial attempt to compare and 'map' the patterns of institutional change recorded in the various territories. In broad terms the overall scale, operation and degree of formalization of the new political arrangements for business representation tend broadly to reflect the established institutional and political contexts of the respective nations and regions and the level of devolution ceded to the territories. However, there are important variations in a complex process of uneven development. In the concluding section we present some initial thoughts on the nature of the changes observed in the institutional framework for business representation. A key argument is that to date such changes suggest a reconfiguration of business political activity rather than a step-change in the institutional foundation for sub-national business interest representation in the UK. (C) 2003 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

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Cette recherche apporte un éclairage nouveau sur les associations patronales au Québec, tout en contribuant au développement d’outils théoriques qui pourront être mis à profit lors de recherches ultérieures. Les associations patronales québécoises se dédient à la défense des intérêts collectifs de leurs membres, déterminés en fonction de certaines valeurs caractéristiques du libéralisme économique. Les membres exercent pour leur part une influence sur l'agenda stratégique de leur association. Aussi, la perception que les acteurs patronaux ont d’eux-mêmes varie en fonction de la provenance des fonds dont ils disposent et leur indépendance économique est perçue comme un gage de légitimité. De plus, le type de stratégies pour lequel optent les associations patronales est influencé par le niveau géo-économique auquel se déroulent leurs activités. Enfin, les associations patronales mettent en place des innovations institutionnelles afin de renouveler des processus devenus désuets et ce, grâce aux ressources de pouvoir dont elles disposent. Plusieurs éléments déterminent les moyens mis en œuvre par les associations patronales pour influencer les politiques publiques, les relations du travail et les institutions du marché du travail. L'État est d’ailleurs la cible première de leurs actions et ce, principalement en ce qui concerne les dossiers relatifs à la sphère économique. La prise en considération des intérêts individuels et collectifs des membres détermine si les organisations mobilisent leurs ressources de pouvoir pour engendrer des changements institutionnels, ce qui les place dans une logique proactive. Les ressources de pouvoir ne sont toutefois pas toujours mises à profit dans ce but, car la plupart du temps, les associations se comportent de manière réactive, sans chercher à modifier leur environnement institutionnel.

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Companies using electronic commerce to facilitate their export activities (EC4X) need information and support at all stages of their export development and eCommerce adoption. This need is especially pressing for small and medium enterprises (SMEs). This paper reports the findings of a study of EC4X information and support needs among a sample of Australian companies. Evidence from SMEs, business associations and the Victorian state government suggests that governments need to develop a strategy for cost-effective on-line EC4X material that incorporates both generic and specific information. On-line provision of information is an effective way to meet the needs of SMEs and is increasingly the preferred channel for government bodies seeking to promote EC4X capability. However, personal contacts and networks are still an essential part of international business. Thus, an effective government strategy will support the business networking and personal contacts so important to help SMEs develop both eCommerce and export activities.

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The focus of this article is on the Business Council of Australia (BCA), an association of the CEOs of the 100 or so largest companies operating in Australia. Since its inception the BCA has been an influential supporter of largely successful efforts to neoliberalize and internationalize the Australian economy. Running in parallel with these developments, however, the BCA has moved from being a "somewhat strong" to a relatively weak policy organization. This article argues these two trends are causally related. Neoliberal-inspired economic restructuring and economic internationalization have weakened the "logic of membership" and the "logic of influence" of the BCA, leading to a process of organizational involution. Furthermore, potential offsets to what I describe as the organizational predations of neoliberalism and internationalization - especially via a willingness or capacity to forge supportive or mutualistic relations with the state - have not been realized.

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There is much anecdotal evidence and academic argument that the location of a business influences its value. That is, some businesses appear to be worth more than others because of their location. This is particularly so in the tourism industry. Within the domain of the destination literature, many factors can be posited on why business valuation varies, ranging from access to markets, availability of labor, climate, and surrounding services. Given that business value is such a fundamental principle that underpins the viability of the tourist industry through its relationship with pricing, business acquisition, and investment, it is surprising that scant research has sought to quantify the relative premium associated with geographic locations. This study proposes a novel way in which to estimate geographic brand premium. Specifically, the approach translates valuation techniques from financial economics to quantify the incremental value derived from businesses operating in a particular geographic region, and produces a geographic brand premium. The article applies the technique to a well-known tourist destination in Australia, and the results are consistent with a positive value of brand equity in the key industries and are of a plausible order of magnitude. The article carries strong implications for business and tourism operators in terms of valuation, pricing, and investment, but more generally, the approach is potentially useful to local authorities and business associations when deciding how much resource and effort should be devoted to brand protection.

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O presente Relatório traduz o percurso profissional por nós realizado no turismo desde o ano de 1980 até ao presente. O Relatório demonstra a amplitude do percurso profissional que desenvolvemos no turismo. Percurso realizado no sector empresarial do Estado, em gabinete ministerial, no sector privado, na gestão de fundo comunitário, no associativismo empresarial e intermunicipal, no ensino superior e como profissional em regime liberal. O Relatório descreve as áreas funcionais, as responsabilidades assumidas, as tarefas realizadas e os resultados alcançados nos diferentes organismos onde prestámos colaboração. Enfatizam-se as competências adquiridas no decurso do percurso profissional, nas áreas pública, privada, associativa e académica, nas vertentes técnica, organizacional, de negócio, interpessoal, intelectual e comportamental. Por último expressam-se os contributos por nós prestados e depositados nos organismos a quem prestámos serviço.

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The research topic of this paper is focused on the analysis of how trade associations perceive lobbying in Brussels and in Brasília. The analysis will be centered on business associations located in Brasília and Brussels as the two core centers of decision-making and as an attraction for the lobbying practice. The underlying principles behind the comparison between Brussels and Brasilia are two. Firstof all because the European Union and Brazil have maintained diplomatic relations since 1960. Through these relations they have built up close historical, cultural, economic and political ties. Their bilateral political relations culminated in 2007 with the establishment of a Strategic Partnership (EEAS website,n.d.). Over the years, Brazil has become a key interlocutor for the EU and it is the most important market for the EU in Latin America (European Commission, 2007). Taking into account the relations between EU and Brazil, this research could contribute to the reciprocal knowledge about the perception of lobby in the respective systems and the importance of the non-market strategy when conducting business. Second both EU and Brazilian systems have a multi-level governance structure: 28 Member States in the EU and 26 Member States in Brazil; in both systems there are three main institutions targeted by lobbying practice. The objective is to compare how differences in the institutional environments affect the perception and practice of lobbying, where institutions are defined as ‘‘regulative, normative, and cognitive structures and activities that provide stability and meaning to social behavior’’ (Peng et al., 2009). Brussels, the self-proclaimed "Capital of Europe”, is the headquarters of the European Union and has one of the highest concentrations of political power in the world. Four of the seven Institutions of the European Union are based in Brussels: the European Parliament, the European Council, the Council and the European Commission (EU website, n.d.). As the power of the EU institutions has grown, Brussels has become a magnet for lobbyists, with the latest estimates ranging from between 15,000 and 30,000 professionals representing companies, industry sectors, farmers, civil society groups, unions etc. (Burson Marsteller, 2013). Brasília is the capital of Brazil and the seat of government of the Federal District and the three branches of the federal government of Brazilian legislative, executive and judiciary. The 4 city also hosts 124 foreign embassies. The presence of the formal representations of companies and trade associations in Brasília is very limited, but the governmental interests remain there and the professionals dealing with government affairs commute there. In the European Union, Brussels has established a Transparency Register that allows the interactions between the European institutions and citizen’s associations, NGOs, businesses, trade and professional organizations, trade unions and think tanks. The register provides citizens with a direct and single access to information about who is engaged in This process is important for the quality of democracy, and for its capacity to deliver adequate policies, matching activities aimed at influencing the EU decision-making process, which interests are being pursued and what level of resources are invested in these activities (Celgene, n.d). It offers a single code of conduct, binding all organizations and self-employed individuals who accept to “play by the rules” in full respect of ethical principles (EC website, n.d). A complaints and sanctions mechanism ensures the enforcement of the rules and addresses suspected breaches of the code. In Brazil, there is no specific legislation regulating lobbying. The National Congress is currently discussing dozens of bills that address regulation of lobbying and the action of interest groups (De Aragão, 2012), but none of them has been enacted for the moment. This work will focus on class lobbying (Oliveira, 2004), which refers to the performance of the federation of national labour or industrial unions, like CNI (National Industry Confederation) in Brazil and the European Banking Federation (EBF) in Brussels. Their performance aims to influence the Executive and Legislative branches in order to defend the interests of their affiliates. When representing unions and federations, class entities cover a wide range of different and, more often than not, conflicting interests. That is why they are limited to defending the consensual and majority interest of their affiliates (Oliveira, 2004). The basic assumption of this work is that institutions matter (Peng et al, 2009) and that the trade associations and their affiliates, when doing business, have to take into account the institutional and regulatory framework where they do business.

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Includes bibliography

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El objetivo del artículo es reconstruir la acción de las asociaciones empresarias agropecuarias en 1998-99, analizándola vis a vis con la situación del sector en la crisis económica iniciada en 1998. Para aproximarnos, analizamos la situación del agro bajo la Convertibilidad mediante estadísticas oficiales y bibliografía especializada. Asimismo, abordamos la organización y demandas de las asociaciones empresarias del agro mediante documentos, comunicados y declaraciones. Se destacan como resultados el cambio a una posición crítica de la SRA y CRA en la crisis, la similitud de demandas con la FAA y Coninagro y los variables grados de unidad expresados en el proceso

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El objetivo del artículo es reconstruir la acción de las asociaciones empresarias agropecuarias en 1998-99, analizándola vis a vis con la situación del sector en la crisis económica iniciada en 1998. Para aproximarnos, analizamos la situación del agro bajo la Convertibilidad mediante estadísticas oficiales y bibliografía especializada. Asimismo, abordamos la organización y demandas de las asociaciones empresarias del agro mediante documentos, comunicados y declaraciones. Se destacan como resultados el cambio a una posición crítica de la SRA y CRA en la crisis, la similitud de demandas con la FAA y Coninagro y los variables grados de unidad expresados en el proceso