996 resultados para Black Africa


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The assumption that US policy toward Africa was characterized by continuity during the cold war has recently been challenged by scholars who argue that President John F. Kennedy embarked on an African policy that was distinct from his predecessors. This may be true for black Africa, but Kennedy’s support for African nationalism did not extend to South Africa. This article reveals that Kennedy’s cold war priorities ensured continuity in US policy toward the apartheid state and, in some cases, additional cooperation as cold war crises increased the perceived importance of South Africa as an ideological and strategic ally and bastion against communism on a rapidly changing continent. This article also explores the role South Africa’s apartheid government played in this cold war alliance. The ruling National Party recognized its importance to US foreign policy goals and used this to stave off serious American criticism of its racial policies, deflect attention in the United Nations, and ensure continued economic and military cooperation with the United States.

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Prenant l’affaire Probo Koala en Côte d’Ivoire comme l’élément déclencheur d’une observation, ce mémoire étudie les fondements des mouvements transfrontières illégaux des déchets dangereux des pays développés vers les pays en développement. En effet, nonobstant la pluralité des dispositions juridiques internationales, le transfert des déchets illicites demeure une actualité dans les pays du tiers monde dont particulièrement ceux de l’Afrique noire et à la fois un tabou dans ceux du Nord et du Sud. Les deux domaines proposés, droit international et national, montrent comment les faiblesses et la non-application des dispositions juridiques conduisent à des actes socialement irresponsables. De ce fait, des réformes tant au niveau juridique que judiciaire ainsi que l’implication des parties prenantes sont suggérées comme solutions pour combattre ce fléau.

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[ES] Cada uno de los pueblos negro-africanos presenta un perfil cultural que le hace ser singular y esencialmente semejante a otros, como parte importante de un todo cultural, algunas veces difícil de determinar explícitamente. Los procesos que definían a los negro-africanos experimentaron una acelerada transformación debido al choque cultural que vivieron durante casi cinco siglos de su historia. Este choque debilitó sus estructuras culturales, creando Estados con lenguas extranjeras oficiales, religiones de importación, escuelas desvernacularizadas, etc., y desplazando los tradicionales sistemas sociopolíticos negro-africanos. Esta fuerte aculturación del África negra se ve fortalecida por la dominancia de la cultura exógena, que impide la reconfiguración etnocultural de sus habitantes y sociedades. Este es el gran reto de su futuro: fortalecer sus diversidades y enseñar a sus habitantes a aprender a ser africanos.

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This text is a first that the author would develop later. It is illustrated with case studies and original terminology. It begins with a brief conceptual contribution on the difference in approach between the German and French geographical schools, and continues with a reflection on the historical and geographical relativity of the boundary. Subsequently, at its greatest extent, the article provides a taxonomy of states: amorphous states, in three cases, that of the "savage peoples" without boundaries, of black Africa; that of semi-civilized peoples of northwest Africa, and the particular case of European civilized nomads, called ―terranovas‖. Framed states, with borders undergoing processes of emergence or extension, especially the case of Yugoslavia. And, in addition, some references to stable boundaries of Albania and the Netherlands

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En este artículo se explora el impacto socio-económico de la crisis internacional de 1929 en Senegal y más concretamente en la ciudad-puerto de Dakar. Se analizan las consecuencias de la dependencia externa y la extroversión económica que caracterizaba a las estructuras productivas coloniales, destacando también la respuesta organizada de los movimientos sociales africanos. Por otra parte, se estudia la evolución de las infraestructuras y actividad portuaria, observando la metropolización regional de Dakar durante este periodo.

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In Anbetracht der sich eher verschlechternden Lage des öffentlichen Schulwesens in den Ländern Schwarzafrikas sucht man in den internationalen und nationalen Diskussionen u.a. nach alternativen, auf traditionelle und private Bildungsformen aufbauenden Strategien zur Förderung der Grundbildung. Das sich verändernde islamische Bildungswesen in der zu über 90% muslimischen Republik Senegal könnte für einen großen Teil der Bevölkerung zu einer solchen Alternative werden, weil nur 48% der Kinder im Primarschulalter die öffentliche Schule besuchen, die sich am französischen Vorbild orientiert. (DIPF/Orig.)

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Vocational Education and Training (VET) is offered throughout the world to students of various educational backgrounds and career aspirations in an effort to create a skilled workforce. The structure of VET varies greatly across different fields and countries with high-growth, low-growth, and transitional economies. However, a common critique of many vocational institutions is that they focus on skills training without addressing related business systems. Thus, students may not understand the business strategies related to their field, which stifles job readiness and entrepreneurial potential. To counter this, a more context-driven and integrated entrepreneurial approach is proposed for VET. Benefits, disadvantages, and exemplars of various types of vocational and entrepreneurial programs are evaluated to determine how their strengths might be leveraged. Such integrated entrepreneurial and vocational training would more suitably address context-specific market needs via both practical and transferrable skills, thus helping to reduce unemployment, particularly among youth in sub-Saharan Africa. (DIPF/Orig.)

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Contends that South African universities must find admissions criteria, other than high school grades, that are both fair and valid for Black applicants severely disadvantaged by an inferior school education. The use of traditional intellectual assessments and aptitude tests for disadvantaged and minority students remains controversial as a fair assessment; they do not take account of potential for change. In this study, therefore, a measure of students' cognitive modifiability, assessed by means of an interactive assessment model, was added as a moderator of traditional intellectual assessment in predicting 1st-yr university success. Cognitive modifiability significantly moderated the predictive validity of the traditional intellectual assessment for 52 disadvantaged Black students. The higher the level of cognitive modifiability, the less effective were traditional methods for predicting academic success and vice versa.

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Post-apartheid South Africa is characterized by centralized, neo-liberal policymaking that perpetuates, and in some cases exaggerates, socio-economic inequalities inherited from the apartheid era. The African National Congress (ANC) leadership’s alignment with powerful international and domestic market actors produces tensions within the Tripartite Alliance and between government and civil society. Consequently, several characteristics of ‘predatory liberalism’ are evident in contemporary South Africa: neo-liberal restructuring of the economy is combined with an increasing willingness by government to assert its authority, to marginalize and delegitimize those critical of its abandonment of inclusive governance. A new form of oligarch power, combining entrenched economic interests with those of a new ‘black bourgeoisie’ promoted by narrowly implemented Black Economic Empowerment policies, diminishes prospects for broad-based socio-economic transformation. Because the new policy environment is failing to resolve tensions between global market demands for increasing market liberalization and domestic popular demands for poverty-alleviation and socio-economic transformation, the ANC leadership is forced increasingly to confront ‘ultra-leftists’ who are challenging its credentials as defender of the National Democratic Revolution which was the cornerstone in the anti-apartheid struggle.

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This paper explores the spaces and power relations of ethical foodscapes. Ethics can offer a commodity a valuable unique selling point in a competitive marketplace but managing the changeable and multiple motivations for stakeholder participation throughout the commodity chain in order to utilise this opportunity is a complex negotiation. Through exploring the spaces and relations within three South African– UK ethical wine networks, the discursive tactics used to sustain these are uncovered. The discourses of Fairtrade, Black Economic Empowerment and organics are highly adaptive, interacting with each other in such a way as to always be contextually appealing. This ‘tactical mutability’ is combined with ‘scales of knowing’, which, this paper argues, are essential for network durability. ‘Scales of knowing’ refers to the recognition by stakeholders of the potential for different articulations of a discourse within the network, which combines with ‘tactical mutability’ to allow for a scalar, contextual and ’knowing’ (im)mutability to ensure the discourse’s continued appeal. However, even when one discourse is the ‘lead’ it always folds within it linkages to other ethical discourses at work, suggesting that ethical practice is mutually supportive discursively. This means that at the producer end ethical interactions may offer more capacity to enact genuine transformation than the solo operations of a discourse.

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This paper examines the experiences of black Africans in South Africa who became Chartered Accountants in the 1990s. Building on previous work on marginalized groups within the accounting profession, the study relies on interviews with 22 of those who overcame steep educational, economic, racial, cultural, and political obstacles to join a profession that had fewer than 1% black Africans as members. The interviews indicate that those black Africans who did manage to become CAs in the 1990s shared many common characteristics and experiences. They and their families placed a high value on education and made tremendous sacrifices to meet the requirements to earn the CA certification. Many overcame extreme poverty in their childhoods and attended poorly equipped schools. All were exceptionally accomplished academically, most qualifying for scholarships offered only to the very top black African students in the country. Most faced educational disruptions due to boycotts and political protests that shut down schools and many black universities in the years immediately prior to the bringing down of the apartheid regime. All faced racial discrimination in housing and education. Few had ever met a chartered accountant before enrolling in university; many had never heard of the certification until that point. In the 1990s when they entered some of the major firms to meet their training requirements, they were typically not given the same opportunities as their white peers. Now that they have become Chartered Accountants, and the government has changed and instituted affirmative action policies, most find that they are often offered jobs outside of public accounting. Still only composing about one percent of all chartered accountants, in a country that is 75% black African, most believed that the main road towards overcoming this disparity is through radical efforts to equalize educational opportunities in South Africa across racial lines. Most make professional decisions based at least in part on the opportunities a given position offers towards contributing to the black community.