Bill of Lading from Oporto, Portugal, 1906

A bill of lading for the UK shipping company Ellerman Lines. The cargo on board is "Four Quarter Casks Red Port Wine" in Oporto, Portugal and bound for Liverpool, England. The document is dated 1 August 1906.

Bill of lading for shipment of four boxes of books, Oct. 20, 1764

This bill of lading is from Jasper Mauduit's shipment of books (his own gift and those bequeathed by Dr. Avery) to Andrew Oliver. The books were shipped from London to Boston via a ship called Hale Galley, under the direction of Captain Harris Hatch.

Bill of Joseph Jacobs for baking matzah

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Bill of Hayman Levy to K. K. S. I.

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Copy of bill of exchange of Haym Salomon and letter regarding the same

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Bill of Israel Joel for Israel Israel

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Copy of 1794 bill of sale of the ship "Farmer"

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Copy of bill of costs for Lewis Gomes' denization

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Copy of letter from Jacques Judah Lyons to Sir Moses Montefiore enclosing bill of exchange for Palestinian Jews

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Taking the Next Step? Achieving another Bill of Rights

The aim of this article is to explore the recent Bill of Rights debate in the UK. This is deliberately located in the UK’s complex ‘national question’ because of the obsessive focus on achieving a proper grounding for human rights. A new form of national human rights protectionism appears to be emerging and merits careful consideration. The article suggests that it is better to acknowledge and accept the existence of a plurality of nationalisms in the UK in these discussions and understand how an essentially ‘British nationalist’ discourse sounds and works in that overall context. The concern is that the Bill of Rights debate is becoming an inadequate surrogate for the more challenging constitutional conversations that are required, and human rights discourse thus invested with expectations of national renewal that it can never meet and does not have the internal resources to resolve. If the process does go forward it may be better to prepare the ground for a deeper and wider constitutional dialogue across these islands than stumble clumsily and divisively into this territory simply via ‘another’ UK Bill of Rights.

Judicial Rehabilitation and the ‘Clean Bill of Health’ in Criminal Justice.

Drawing on an important survey of European and Australian policies toward ‘judicial rehabilitation,’ this article makes the following arguments. First, the rehabilitation movement should return to the origins of the word ‘rehabilitation’ and focus at least as much on efforts to remove and relieve ex-prisoner stigma as on treatment and reform efforts. There will be no ‘rehabilitation revolution’ without this. Second, these efforts should involve active, not passive redemption. Rehabilitation processes that require almost a decade or more of ‘crime-free’ behaviour before forgiving an individual for his or her crimes are just and fair, but they miss the point of rehabilitation. Policies should encourage, support and facilitate good behaviour and not just reward it in retrospect. Third, rehabilitation should not just be done, but be ‘seen to be done,’ ideally in a ritualised format. This sends an important message to the individual and wider society. Finally, I argue that it may be better to forgive than forget past crimes. That is, rather than burying past crimes as if they never happened, states should instead acknowledge and formally recognise that people can change, that good people can do bad things, and that all individuals should be able to move on from past convictions.