173 resultados para Bali


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In 1996, Emma Baulch went to live in Bali to do research on youth culture. Her chats with young people led her to an enormously popular regular outdoor show dominated by local reggae, punk, and death metal bands. In this rich ethnography, she takes readers inside each scene: hanging out in the death metal scene among unemployed university graduates clad in black T-shirts and ragged jeans; in the punk scene among young men sporting mohawks, leather jackets, and hefty jackboots; and among the remnants of the local reggae scene in Kuta Beach, the island’s most renowned tourist area. Baulch tracks how each music scene arrived and grew in Bali, looking at such influences as the global extreme metal underground, MTV Asia, and the internationalization of Indonesia’s music industry. Making Scenes is an exploration of the subtle politics of identity that took place within and among these scenes throughout the course of the 1990s. Participants in the different scenes often explained their interest in death metal, punk, or reggae in relation to broader ideas about what it meant to be Balinese, which reflected views about Bali’s tourism industry and the cultural dominance of Jakarta, Indonesia’s capital and largest city. Through dance, dress, claims to public spaces, and onstage performances, participants and enthusiasts reworked “Balinese-ness” by synthesizing global media, ideas of national belonging, and local identity politics. Making Scenes chronicles the creation of subcultures at a historical moment when media globalization and the gradual demise of the authoritarian Suharto regime coincided with revitalized, essentialist formulations of the Balinese self.

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The road from Bali’s international airport to the island’s most renowned tourist area, Kuta Beach, leads past a number of establishments claiming affiliation to reggae music and Rastafarianism in large, appropriately coloured billboards. A sign outside a tee shirt shop bears the words RASTA MANIA within a green, yellow and red border, and a stick figure caricaturing negritude, the logo of this clothing label. In the window display hangs a tee shirt, and upon it Bob Marley’s wizened face. His lips pinch a cone-shaped spliff, and he squints behind a veil of airbrushed smoke. A leanto sign on the sidewalk outside Apache Bar announce REGGAE BANDS NIGHTLY. This barn of coconut wood and thatch nestles behind Wendy’s Ice Cream Parlour and Chi Chi’s Mexican Bar. Its timber walls emulate a rustic, spaghetti Western aesthetic and are adorned with portraits of native Americans. In addition to the reggae bands, nightly, Apache bar unites young Japanese women with local ‘guides’.2

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R&D to increase growth of Bali calves in the Eastern Islands of Indonesia.

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Three experiments were conducted to determine liveweight (W) gain and feed and water intake of weaned Bali cattle offered a range of feed types. In each experiment, 18 weaned entire male Bali cattle were allocated to three treatment groups in a completely randomised block design, with six replicates (animals) per treatment. The dietary treatments were: Experiment 1, native grass fed ad libitum, native grass supplemented with rice bran at 10 g dry matter (DM)/kg W.day and native grass supplemented with a mixture of rice bran and copra meal in equal proportions fed at 10 g DM/kg W.day; Experiment 2, elephant grass hay fed ad libitum, elephant grass supplemented with gliricidia at 10 g DM/kg W.day, and gliricidia fed ad libitum; and Experiment 3, corn stover fed ad libitum, corn stover supplemented with gliricidia at 10 g DM/kg W.day, and corn stover supplemented with rice bran/copra meal in equal amounts (w/w) at 10 g DM/kg W.day. Each experiment was 10 weeks in duration, consisting of a 2-week preliminary period for adaptation to diets and an 8-week experimental period for the measurement of W change, feed and water intake and digestibility of the diet. Growth rates of 6-12-month-old, entire male Bali cattle fed a range of local diets ranged from 0.10 and 0.40 kg/day. Lowest growth rates occurred when the cattle were given the basal diets of native grass (0.104 kg/day), elephant grass (0.174 kg/day) and corn stover (0.232 kg/day). With the addition of supplements such as rice bran, rice bran/copra meal or gliricidia to these basal diets liveweight gains increased to between 0.225 and 0.402 kg/day. Forage DM intake was reduced with these supplements by on average 22.6% while total DM intake was increased by an average of 10.5%. The growth rate on gliricidia alone was 0.269 kg/day and feed DM intake was 28.0 g/kg W.day. Water intake was not affected by supplement type or intake. In conclusion, inclusion of small quantities of locally available, high quality feed supplements provide small-holder farmers with the potential to increase growth rates of Bali calves from 0.1 to 0.2 kg/day, under prevailing feeding scenarios, to over 0.4 kg/day.

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Regional autonomy in Indonesia was initially introduced as a means of pacifying regional disappointment at the central government. Not only did the Regional Autonomy Law of 1999 give the Balinese a chance to express grievance regarding the centralist policies of the Jakarta government but also provided an opportunity to return to the regional, exclusive, traditional village governance (desa adat). As a result, the problems faced by the island, particularly ethnic conflicts, are increasingly handled by the mechanism of this traditional type of governance. Traditional village governance with regard to ethnic conflicts (occurring) between Balinese and migrants has never been systematically analyzed. Existing analyses emphasized only the social context, but do not explain either the cause of conflicts and the ensuing problems entails or the virtues of traditional village governance mechanisms for mediating in the conflict. While some accounts provide snapshots, they lack both theoretical and conflict study perspective. The primary aim of this dissertation is to explore the expression and the causes of conflict between the Balinese and migrants and to advance the potential of traditional village governance as a means of conflict resolution with particular reference to the municipality of Denpasar. One conclusion of the study is that the conflict between the Balinese and migrants has been expressed on the level of situation/contradiction, attitudes, and behavior. Yet the driving forces behind the conflict itself consist of the following factors: absence of cooperation; incompatible position and perception; inability to communicate effectively; and problem of inequality and injustice, which comes to the surface as a social, cultural, and economic problem. This complex of factors fuels collective fear for the future of both groups. The study concludes that traditional village governance mechanisms as a means of conflict resolution have not yet been able to provide an enduring resolution for the conflict. Analysis shows that the practice of traditional village governance is unable to provide satisfactory mechanisms for the conflict as prescribed by conflict resolution theory. Traditional village governance, which is derived from the exclusive Hindu-Balinese culture, is accepted as more legitimate among the Balinese than the official governance policies. However, it is not generally accepted by most of the Muslim migrants. In addition, traditional village governance lacks access to economic instruments, which weakens its capacity to tackle the economic roots of the conflict. Thus the traditional mechanisms of migrant ordinance , as practiced by the traditional village governance have not yet been successful in penetrating all aspects of the conflict. Finally, one of the main challenges for traditional village governance s legal development is the creation of a regional legal system capable of accommodating rapid changes in line with the national and international legal practices. The framing of the new laws should be responsive to the aspirations of a changing society. It should not only protect the various Balinese communities interests, but also that of other ethnic groups, especially those of the minority. In other words, the main challenge to traditional village governance is its ability to develop flexibility and inclusiveness.

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Seaweed production is an important secondary, activity for fishers in eastern Indonesia. In Lombok and Bali, however, it is a major enterprise involving whole village communities in a range of activities from trading to tourism.

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The dance-drama called Barong and Rangda a ritual, is one of the vital events that breathes life in the small village, Banjar Tista, and extends beyond the boundaries of its "performance" area. In this thesis, I depend on Ronald Grimes' concept of "ritualizing" as a continuum in the context of my fieldwork in Bali, Indonesia. The ritual cycle and the collaborative fieldwork process are analyzed through the impressions of each fieldworker. Barong and Rangda is a well-documented dance-drama and part of the longer Calonarang story. This dance-drama is a mythological battle between the lion, Barong, and the witch, Rangda, and is performed authentically to create spiritual balance and cleanse its community members of evil. This ritual performance reaches beyond the time and place in which the performance originates and creates a ripple affect on the village members, those in trance, musicians and cultural outsiders alike.

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El estudio de los especimenes de herbario, recolectados en la Península Ibérica y Marruecos, y que han sido atribuidos a Cvttara humilis L y C hystrtc Raíl ha puesto de manifiesto la variabilidad de ciertos caracteres, mucho más notable en eí material marroquí. La representación mediante símbolos, en un mapa, de la distribución de seis dc los caracteres morfológicos seleccionados, permite comprobar la existencia de formas intermedias, que se situan en la zona de contacto entre las áreas marroquíes dc ambos túxones. Sc discute la posibilidad de explicar este hecho, como resultado de un proceso de hibridación alopátrica introgresiva.

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Programa emitido el 9 de febrero de 1996

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In the wake of the Bali bombing the Australian government has proposed a number of national security measures that pose a real danger to human security in Australia and the region. These measures include renewed and increased military and intelligence exchanges with Indonesia, and laws that allow the Australian Security Intelligence Organization (ASIO) to detain people without charge or even suspicion in order to gather intelligence. In less emotional times these initiatives would be rejected as contrary to human rights concerns and Australia’s democratic traditions, which include the rule of law and due process protections. In the current climate, however, human rights and civil liberties are apt to be portrayed as unaffordable luxuries.

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AFTER BALI, OCTOBER 12, 2002, A RANGE OF PUBLIC rituals took place in Australia to remember those who had been killed in the bombing. In Melbourne, the most visible, and collective ritual was the laying of flowers by members of the public on the steps of the State Parliament building, at the highly visible apex of Bourke St. This was a much-publicized event that took place over a period of two weeks. It was a riveting and moving sight/site for many people, who left notes expressing grief and regret, promises of remembrance, and of revenge. The choice of the site, and what would happen there, was prompted by talk-back listeners to Radio 3AW's Nell Mitchell, who called in with many different suggestions as to where and why the laying of flowers should take place. This essay seeks to understand the processes and purposes of the popular, public rituals after Bali, asking who made them, what was made, and how popular--that is, open to formation by those not primarily and directly connected with the mass media and party politics--were the constructions? Further, in calling such an event a "postmodern ritual," the essay will inaugurate an analysis, through cultural studies methodologies, of the attributes of public rituals in contemporary Western cultures.

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Commonly, the border area is a countryside located far from city centre, so that such area gets less attention from government. This condition is seen from the condition of social and economic aspects that is left behind than other locations (Bappenas 2004). In Balinese Traditional perspective, countryside as border area is a non built environment as a symbol of an authority but it does not mean without activities. Asa regency area, border area is a gate of the regency that gives a first impression and attraction as well as represent of the regency characteristic. One of border areasbetween 2 regencies in Bali is Pengragoanareatraversed bythe main routeconnecting thecentreof the Bali Provinceand Gilimanuk Port. Not only is it as a border area betweenJembrana and Tabanan regencies, but also a coastal area that began to gain influence tourism development. The objective of this study is to find the strategies planning for border development that gives benefit to people, protect the local wisdom and meet with sustainable development issues. In order to achieve this objective, this research uses field study, focus groups discussion strategy and direct interview to collect data and descriptive analysis to analyse data. As an agriculture area, this area can be developed as agro-tourism area that focuses on agticultural activities and some support activities, " in limited number", such as home industries, outdoor recreation, agro tourism, restaurant, villa as well as stop over.