Zafer-nâme / li-Karaçelebizade Abdülaziz Efendi : manuscript, 1723 or 4

A historical account of the Yerevan and Baghdad campaigns of Murād IV (r. 1623-1640). Composed in eight chapters. Book begins in 1044 AH [1635 AD] with the army setting out from Üsküdar and ends in 1049 AH [1640 AD] with the sultna's return to Istanbul after conclusion of Kasrışirin Treaty.

A catechism geographical, historicall and chronologicall

Notebook of unlined pages holding a handwritten copy of Tutor Flynt's "Catechism" copied by Harvard student Hull Abbot (1702-1774, Harvard AB 1720). The volume lists questions and accompanying answers on various academic subjects.

A catechism geographicall, historical and chronologicall 1719

Notebook of unlined pages with paper marbled cover holding a handwritten copy of Tutor Flynt's "Catechism" likely copied by Harvard student John Wolcott in 1719. The volume lists questions and accompanying answers on various academic subjects. On the last page, the inscription "John Wolcott [the name is crossed over] his geography, 1719" indicates Wolcott (1702-1747), a member of the Harvard class of 1721, copied the book.

Safarńāmah-ʼi Gharavī

[Muḥammad Rafīʻ ibn ʻAlī Aṣghar al-Ṭabāṭabāʼī].

Diary Series History and Notes

A journal of commercial voyages and domestic life on the Tigris River -- subjects and notes in diaries 47-49.

The Shrine of ʿAbd al-Qādir al-Jīlānī in Baghdad & the Shrine of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz al-Jīlānī in ʿAqra: Mapping the multiple orientations of two Qādirī Sufi shrines in Iraq

This thesis charts the stakeholder communities, physical environment and daily life of two little studied Qādiriyya Sufi shrines associated with Shaikh ʿAbd al-Qādir al-Jīlānī (1077 – 1165 AD), a 12th century Ḥanbalī Muslim theologian and the posthumous founder of one of the oldest Sufi orders in Islam. The first shrine is based in Baghdad and houses his burial chamber; and the second shrine, on the outskirts of the city of ‘Aqra in the Kurdish region of northern Iraq, is that of his son Shaikh ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz (died 1206 AD). The latter was also known for lecturing in Ḥanbalī theology in the region, and venerated for this as well as his association with Shaikh ʿAbd al-Qādir. Driven by the research question “What shapes the identity orientations of these two Qādiriyya Sufi shrines in modern times?” the findings presented here are the result of field research carried out between November 2009 and February 2014. This field research revealed a complex context in which the two shrines existed and interacted, influenced by both Sufi and non-Sufi stakeholders who identified with and accessed these shrines to satisfy a variety of spiritual and practical needs, which in turn influenced the way each considered and viewed the two shrines from a number of orientations. These overlapping orientations include the Qādirī Sufi entity and the resting place of its patron saint; the orthodox Sunnī mosque with its muftī-imams, who are employed by the Iraqi government; the local Shīʿa community’s neighbourhood saint’s shrine and its destination for spiritual and practical aid; and the local provider of welfare to the poor of the city (soup kitchen, funeral parlour and electricity-generation amongst other services). The research findings also revealed a continuously changing and adapting Qādirī Sufi scene not immune from the national and regional socio-religio-political environments in which the two shrines exist: a non-Sufi national political class vying to influence and manipulate these shrines for their own purposes; and powerful national sectarian factions jostling to do the same. The mixture of stakeholders using and associating with the two shrines were found to be influential shapers of these entities, both physically and spiritually. Through encountering and interacting with each other, most stakeholders contributed to maintaining and rejuvenating the two shrines, but some also sought to adapt and change them driven by their particular orientation’s perspective.

Effects of chronic mild traumatic brain injury on white matter integrity in iraq and afghanistan war veterans

Mild traumatic brain injury (TBI) is a common source of morbidity from the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. With no overt lesions on structural MRI, diagnosis of chronic mild TBI in military veterans relies on obtaining an accurate history and assessment of behavioral symptoms that are also associated with frequent comorbid disorders, particularly posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and depression. Military veterans from Iraq and Afghanistan with mild TBI (n = 30) with comorbid PTSD and depression and non-TBI participants from primary (n = 42) and confirmatory (n = 28) control groups were assessed with high angular resolution diffusion imaging (HARDI). White matter-specific registration followed by whole-brain voxelwise analysis of crossing fibers provided separate partial volume fractions reflecting the integrity of primary fibers and secondary (crossing) fibers. Loss of white matter integrity in primary fibers (P < 0.05; corrected) was associated with chronic mild TBI in a widely distributed pattern of major fiber bundles and smaller peripheral tracts including the corpus callosum (genu, body, and splenium), forceps minor, forceps major, superior and posterior corona radiata, internal capsule, superior longitudinal fasciculus, and others. Distributed loss of white matter integrity correlated with duration of loss of consciousness and most notably with "feeling dazed or confused," but not diagnosis of PTSD or depressive symptoms. This widespread spatial extent of white matter damage has typically been reported in moderate to severe TBI. The diffuse loss of white matter integrity appears consistent with systemic mechanisms of damage shared by blast- and impact-related mild TBI that involves a cascade of inflammatory and neurochemical events. © 2012 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.

Concept de non-violence chez le théologien processuel David Ray Griffin entre la guerre du Vietnam et celle d'Iraq (1968-2008)

La non-violence fait référence à une idéologie et un ensemble de pratiques qui ont pour caractéristique commune de rejeter la violence sous toutes ses formes dans l’actualisation quotidienne. La non-violence est cependant devenue également un outil auquel certains recourrent dans des objectifs qui ne servent pas nécessairement le bien commun. En d’autres termes, la non-violence n’est pas systématiquement un outil de paix. Elle est un moyen d’obtenir ce que l’on veut, sans recourir à la violence. Cette thèse propose une vision de la non-violence au service du bien commun. Elle puise dans l’historicité de grands événements et acteurs qui ont utilisé la non-violence pour libérer une collectivité de formes d’oppression qui amenuisaient la dignité humaine. Elle fait référence à des auteurs et acteurs qui ont influencé le théologien processuel David Ray Griffin dans sa propre démarche d’enseignement et de recherche théologiques sur une quarantaine d’années, soient de la guerre du Vietnam à celle d’Iraq. Les dates survolées vont de 1968 à 2008. Une première démarche entreprise par la recherche est de comprendre le plus précisément possible quelles sont les avenues les plus récentes concernant la non-violence et d’explorer ses influences sur la vie et la carrière du théologien processuel États-Unien David Ray Griffin. En second lieu, une rétrospective historique des événements marquants aux États-Unis permet de cerner le contexte au sein duquel Griffin a évolué et comment son discours a laissé transparaître ces influences historiques, sociales et académiques. Une analyse plus centrée sur la politique extérieure des États-Unis en matière d’économie et de militarisme aiguille vers l’identification de signes que Griffin qualifie lui-même d’anti-théologiques, ce qui l’incite à élaborer une vision paradigmatique globalisante, équilibrée selon lui, où les ressources planétaires sont redistribuées dans un souci d’équité et de justice. Pour ce faire, un tribunal international, une religion globale, à l’image de ce que propose la pensée processuelle whiteheadienne-hartshornienne sont proposés. Griffin en brosse les grands traits dans un discours où l’exhortation s’assortit d’une méthodologie et d’une pédagogie éprouvés depuis 40 ans. Une grille d’analyse des textes griffiniens est par la suite élaborée, structurant les différentes composantes fondamentales de sa pensée. Un modèle d’intégration des valeurs de la non-violence est dégagé des lectures, applicable à d’autres disciplines. Appuyé sur une tradition authentique d’auteurs non-violents, David Ray Griffin présente les caractéristiques d’un homme de paix, duquel les idéaux débordent le cadre national pour rejoindre le planétaire, dans une visée résolument sotériologique. Cette visée devient urgente alors que les événements des attentats terroristes du World Trade Center du 11 septembre 2001 font dire à Griffin que non seulement les États-Unis sont engagés dans une démarche impérialiste démoniaque, mais qu’ils contribuent de manière accélérée à la destruction de la planète. Il faut absolument, croit-il, renverser le courant et devenir, pour le monde, un leader de la réparation des écosystèmes, des économies et des sociétés. S’adjoignant des auteurs d’autres disciplines, et toujours dans un cadre processuel, Griffin entreprend le long périple pédagogique qu’est celui de convaincre le plus grand nombre d’individus possible que le temps est venu d’agir.

Developing Civil Society and a New Leadership Class in Iraq: A Comprehensive Analysis and Business Plan

Following De-Ba'athification, forming a new leadership class will be critical to the success of creating a strong civil society in modern-day Iraq. Implementation of youth educational exchange programs, specifically promoting leadership skills, is a significant part of the solution to stimulating a new generation of leaders. Using the reign of Saddam Hussein and his toppling as a frame of reference, a brief history of Iraq's civil society reveals a need for a new leadership class through the lens of democratic transition and consolidation. After exploring the leadership challenges of post-war nation building, the proposed business plan focuses on implementing a youth leadership program in Iraq, employing a wider participation model, and a lengthier, more involved learning model from existing programs.

The fauna from the terminal Pleistocene of Palegawra Cave, a Zarzian occupation site in northeastern Iraq / Priscilla F. Turnbull -- and Charles A. Reed --.

v.63:no.3(1974)

State-building in Iraq since 2003: the Challenges and Lessons. Jean Monnet Occasional Paper No. 12/2014

Introduction. In 2003, Iraq was invaded by the US coalition forces that ousted Saddam Hussein’s regime from power before occupying the whole country. The intension, declared by the then American George W. Bush, was to ‘build a decent and democratic society at the centre of the Middle East’ that ‘will become a place of progress and peace.’1 In 2014, three years after the withdrawal of the last American soldier, however, it is difficult to overestimate or exaggerate what is at stake. National unity and territorial integrity have never been so seriously threatened since the country is experiencing the internal fighting in its modern history. Many parts of Iraq, including the northern oil city of Kirkuk, long claimed as an integral part of the semi-autonomous region of Kurdistan, are out of the control of the central government. Large areas in the north including the strategic city of Mosul were seized by the fighters of the Islamic State, an Al-Qaeda offshoot, formerly known as ISIS, who threatened to invade the Kurdistan region before being attacked by airstrikes by the US. They proclaimed a caliphate on both sides of the border with Syria, where they also control vast territory.

The Mirage of the State: Why the West has failed in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali and Central African Republic? Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 14 No. 15, July 2014

The state still matters. However, the members of the Euro-Atlantic community may be misinterpreting this crucial baseline prior launching their military interventions since 2001. The latest violence and collapse of the state of Iraq after the invasion of Northern Iraq by a radical Sunni Muslim terrorist group, so-called Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), demonstrate once again the centrality and requirement of a functioning state in order to maintain violent forces to disrupt domestic and regional stability. Since 2001, the US and its European allies have waged wars against failed-states in order to increase this security and national interests, and then have been involved in some type of state-building.1 This has been the case in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali, and Central African Republic (CAR). France went into Mali (2012) and CAR (2013), which preceded two European Union military and civilian Common Security and Defense Policy missions (CSDP), in order to avoid the collapse of these two states. The threat of the collapse of both states was a concern for the members of the Euro-Atlantic community as it could have spread to the region and causing even greater instabilities. In Mali, the country was under radical Islamic pressures coming from the North after the collapse of Libya ensuing the 2011 Western intervention, while in CAR it was mainly an ethno-religious crisis. Failed states are a real concern, as they can rapidly become training grounds for radical groups and permitting all types of smuggling and trafficking.2 In Mali, France wanted to protect its large French population and avoid the fall of Mali in the hands of radical Islamic groups directly or indirectly linked to Al-Qaeda. A fallen Mali could have destabilized the region of the Sahel and ultimately affected the stability of Southern European borders. France wanted to avoid the development of a safe haven across the Sahel where movements of people and goods are uncontrolled and illegal.3 Since the end of the Cold War, Western powers have been involved in stabilizing neighborhoods and regions, like the Balkans, Africa, and Middle East, which at the exceptions of the Balkans, have led to failed policies. 9/11 changes everything. The US, under President George W. Bush, started to wage war against terrorism and all states link to it. This started a period of continuous Western interventions in this post-9/11 era in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali and CAR. If history has demonstrated one thing, the members of the Euro-Atlantic community are struggling and will continue to struggle to stabilize Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali and Central African Republic (CAR) for one simple reason: no clear endgame. Is it the creation of a state à la Westphalian in order to permit these states to operate as the sole guarantor of security? Or is the reestablishment of status quo in these countries permitting to exit and end Western operations? This article seeks to analyze Western interventions in these five countries in order to reflect on the concept of the state and the erroneous starting point for each intervention.4 In the first part, the political status of each country is analyzed in order to understand the internal and regional crisis. In a second time, the concept of the state, framed into the Buzanian trinity, is discussed and applied to the cases. In the last part the European and American civilian-military doctrines are examined in accordance with their latest military interventions and in their broader spectrum.