NUCLEOL as a formal system.

Thesis (M.S.)--University of Illinois.

Formalização em Epistemologia Genética e Digrafos

One of the principal themes of genetic epistemology is the study of the psycho-genetic and historical-critical constitution of knowledge and its necessary structures. A main topic in this area is the relationship between abstract logical-mathematical structures and the epistemological-psychological structures of the epistemic subject. In genetic epistemology, formalizing and axiomatizing epistemological-psychological structures constitute one of the principal methods for showing the correlation between the two types of structures: the formalization of the epistemological-psychological structureresults in an axiomatic formal system which also expresses the abstractlogical-mathematical structure. In this context, it is interesting to note that some epistemological-psychological structures have been resistant to formalization and axiomatization, as in the case of the structure of concrete operational period groupings. Cases like these lead us to ask if there are general methods of formalizing that are consistent with the results and the general basis of genetic epistemology and genetic psychology, especially with regard to the claim that formalizing is a process, not a state, and that such general methods must therefore conform with the possibility of the continuous constitution of epistemological-psychological structures. In this paper we present some reflections, based on the general concepts of genetic epistemology and psychology and on the logical-mathematical structures of digraphs, on proposing a general method of formalization consistent with the results and the general basis of these two areas, including the possibility of the continuous constitution of epistemological-psychological structures.

Walking Through Cantor's Paradise and Escher's Garden: Epistemological Reflections on the Mathematical Infinite (II)

Infinity is not an easy concept. A number of difficulties that people cope with when dealing with problems related to infinity include its abstract nature, understanding infinity as an ongoing, never ending process, understanding infinity as a set of an infinite number of elements and appreciating well-known paradoxes. Infinity can be understood in several ways with often incompatible meanings, and can involve value judgments or assumptions that are neither explicit nor desired. To usher in its definition, we distinguish several aspects, teleological, artistic (Escher); some definitive, some potential, and others actual. This article also deals with some still unresolved aspects of the concept of infinity.

Dependencias (anti-)locales en latín : Un estudio radicalmente minimalista

El presente trabajo pretende continuar la línea general inaugurada por Krivochen y Luder (2012) en el desarrollo de herramientas formales para el estudio de las lenguas clásicas, en particular la lengua latina. Tales herramientas, desarrolladas a partir de métodos axiomático-formales, son puestas a prueba con los datos concretos y nos ayudan a comprender mejor no solamente el funcionamiento de una lengua como sistema sino el sustrato cognitivo-biológico que posibilita el desarrollo de tal sistema. Nuestro foco en este trabajo será la noción de "localidad" en las derivaciones sintácticas, que ha sido el centro de gran parte de los estudios de orientación chomskyana durante la última década. Basándonos en problemas concretos que aparecen en la consideración de ejemplos atestiguados en los textos, proporcionaremos una explicación alternativa a la ortodoxia chomskyana. El objetivo es proveer al lector de una serie de herramientas teóricas explícitas que pueda utilizar en el análisis de la localidad en la lengua latina

Dependencias (anti-)locales en latín : Un estudio radicalmente minimalista

El presente trabajo pretende continuar la línea general inaugurada por Krivochen y Luder (2012) en el desarrollo de herramientas formales para el estudio de las lenguas clásicas, en particular la lengua latina. Tales herramientas, desarrolladas a partir de métodos axiomático-formales, son puestas a prueba con los datos concretos y nos ayudan a comprender mejor no solamente el funcionamiento de una lengua como sistema sino el sustrato cognitivo-biológico que posibilita el desarrollo de tal sistema. Nuestro foco en este trabajo será la noción de "localidad" en las derivaciones sintácticas, que ha sido el centro de gran parte de los estudios de orientación chomskyana durante la última década. Basándonos en problemas concretos que aparecen en la consideración de ejemplos atestiguados en los textos, proporcionaremos una explicación alternativa a la ortodoxia chomskyana. El objetivo es proveer al lector de una serie de herramientas teóricas explícitas que pueda utilizar en el análisis de la localidad en la lengua latina

Dependencias (anti-)locales en latín : Un estudio radicalmente minimalista

El presente trabajo pretende continuar la línea general inaugurada por Krivochen y Luder (2012) en el desarrollo de herramientas formales para el estudio de las lenguas clásicas, en particular la lengua latina. Tales herramientas, desarrolladas a partir de métodos axiomático-formales, son puestas a prueba con los datos concretos y nos ayudan a comprender mejor no solamente el funcionamiento de una lengua como sistema sino el sustrato cognitivo-biológico que posibilita el desarrollo de tal sistema. Nuestro foco en este trabajo será la noción de "localidad" en las derivaciones sintácticas, que ha sido el centro de gran parte de los estudios de orientación chomskyana durante la última década. Basándonos en problemas concretos que aparecen en la consideración de ejemplos atestiguados en los textos, proporcionaremos una explicación alternativa a la ortodoxia chomskyana. El objetivo es proveer al lector de una serie de herramientas teóricas explícitas que pueda utilizar en el análisis de la localidad en la lengua latina

Access to medicines for acute illness in middle income countries in Central America

OBJECTIVE : To analyze the main predictors of access to medicines for persons who experienced acute health conditions. METHODS : This was a cross-sectional analytic study, based on data from household surveys. We examined the predictors of: (1) seeking care for acute illness in the formal health care system and (2) obtaining all medicines sought for the acute condition. RESULTS : The significant predictors of seeking health care for acute illnesses were urban geographic location, head of household with secondary school education or above, age under 15, severity of illness perceived by the respondent, and having health insurance. The most important predictor of obtaining full access to medicines was seeking care in the formal health care system. People who sought care in the formal system were three times more likely to receive all the medicines sought (OR 3.0, 95%CI 2.3;4.0). For those who sought care in the formal health system, the strongest predictors of full access to medicines were seeking care in the private sector, having secondary school education or above, and positive perceptions of quality of health care and medicines in public sector health facilities. For patients who did not seek care in the formal health system, full access to medicines was more likely in Honduras or Nicaragua than in Guatemala. Urban geographic location, higher economic status, and male gender were also significant predictors. CONCLUSIONS : A substantial part of the population in these three countries sought and obtained medicines outside of the formal health care system, which may compromise quality of care and pose a risk to patients. Determinants of full access to medicines inside and outside the formal health care system differ, and thus may require different strategies to improve access to medicines. 

Alternatives de partenariats pour la gestion de l’eau potable dans les quartiers pauvres des zones urbaines : cas de Kinshasa

Face à l’incapacité de l’État à offrir des services de base aux ménages pauvres des zones urbaines périphériques et marginales, ce sont les opérateurs informels (individuels et collectifs) qui s’activent à répondre aujourd’hui aux besoins croissants des ménages. Mais leurs actions sont ponctuelles, éparpillées sur le territoire, non intégrées dans un plan de développement local, et beaucoup de ménages n’ont toujours pas accès à l’eau potable. Cette recherche, de type exploratoire, porte donc sur l’examen d’un type de partenariat entre les acteurs publics et les opérateurs informels collectifs, susceptible de créer la synergie entre les partenaires locaux et de pérenniser la fourniture de l’eau potable. Elle vise à analyser et à comprendre les mécanismes de collaboration entre l’État et les opérateurs informels collectifs en vue d’améliorer la qualité de la vie dans les quartiers urbains pauvres grâce à la résolution des problèmes d’accès à l’eau potable. À partir de l’étude de cas d’une zone pauvre de la ville de Kinshasa (République Démocratique du Congo), nous avons donc cherché à dégager ce qui peut éclairer le fonctionnement du partenariat État-opérateurs informels collectifs. Comme cadre d’analyse, nous avons recouru à l’analyse stratégique et, pour l’examen des expériences de partenariat, nous avons utilisé le modèle de Coston (1998) et recouru aux approches de régulation État-tiers secteur (approche socio-étatique et approche socio-communautaire). La méthode qualitative a été privilégiée. Les données analysées proviennent d’entrevues semi-dirigées, de la recherche documentaire et de l’observation. À partir du modèle de Coston (1998), les résultats obtenus montrent que les relations qui correspondent le mieux au partenariat entre les acteurs publics et les opérateurs informels collectifs sont de type « contractuel » et correspondent à l’orientation socio-étatique. Mais le système formel actuel de gestion de l’eau potable et les relations de pouvoir sont plus proches du type « rivalité ». Notre étude montre également que les partenariats, entre les acteurs publics et les opérateurs informels collectifs, sont très difficiles à instituer, car il n’existe pas encore d’environnement socio-politique solidaire. Le contexte institutionnel n’est pas propice à l’émergence d’un partenariat dynamique. Les déficiences structurelles, humaines et institutionnelles constatées sont la résultante directe de la pauvreté dont sont victimes les individus et les institutions. Les réseaux sociaux (à base de parenté, ethnique ou religieux) affectent les relations entre les individus, membres d’une association locale et les représentants des institutions locales ou nationales. Une complémentarité, négociée entre l’État et les opérateurs informels collectifs, ne pourra se réaliser que par la mise en place de nouvelles politiques favorisant la démocratie, la décentralisation et la promotion du mouvement associatif avec une société civile forte, dynamique, soucieuse du bien commun, privilégiant les qualités managériales plutôt que l’assistance perpétuelle.

Le leadership interstitiel, le champ d'action des Amérindiens ou le pouvoir dans la marge : l'exemple de la communauté algonquine de Kitigan Zibi (Québec)

Quel est le champ d’action des Amérindiens dans le contexte politique canadien? Malgré les tentatives de l’État canadien de briser la structure politique traditionnelle des Autochtones en introduisant le système électif et politique du conseil de bande, ceux-ci sont loin d'avoir été des victimes passives. L'étude du leadership interstitiel est la ligne directrice de cette thèse car il est la clé d’une pratique politique « in the cracks » qui confère un pouvoir marginal aux Amérindiens. En s'intéressant aux conditions historiques et sociales de déploiement de l’arène politique en milieu de réserve, il est possible de comprendre la quotidienneté et la contemporanéité de l’exercice du pouvoir au sein d’une population minoritaire fortement politisée. La recherche ethnographique porte sur la politique locale de la communauté algonquine de Kitigan Zibi (Québec). L’analyse des acteurs anishnabeg a montré une variabilité du leadership politique chez les Algonquins et l’existence de différents types de leader malgré l’imposition d’une fonction de chef par la Loi sur les Indiens. Le contrôle des affaires politiques officielles d’une bande par les agents coloniaux, c'est-à-dire les missionnaires et les agents indiens, n’a pas donné lieu à un contrôle total de sa dynamique politique interne et de ses membres. L'enquête de terrain a dévoilé que les diverses manifestations et actions politiques menées par les Anishnabeg s’avèrent être des stratégies du pouvoir dans la marge, une forme quotidienne de résistance face aux nouvelles façons de faire la politique établies par les autorités canadiennes, des ruses et des tactiques employées pour tenter de changer le système formel en remettant en question le pouvoir des Affaires indiennes. La contestation et la résistance ne sont toutefois pas l’unique moteur du leadership et de la politique amérindienne. En fait, le leadership politique chez les Kitigan Zibi Anishnabeg est aussi basé sur diverses représentations (traditionnelles, spirituelles, symboliques) qui ont permis aux Algonquins de préserver une identité politique malgré certaines ruptures et transformations introduites dans leur société par les colonisateurs. Les ambiguïtés, les contradictions et les paradoxes de la quotidienneté politique d’une bande autochtone ne sont pas que le résultat de la rencontre d’un univers politique Autre, mais aussi l’aboutissement de l’évolution et de la reconstruction d’un système sociopolitique traditionnel et de ses dynamiques internes reliées au pouvoir, d’une redéfinition de l’autorité et de la légitimité du politique, de l'essor de leaders nouveau genre pour répondre adéquatement aux exigences politiques de la vie en réserve. La politique de réserve n’est pas une chose concrète mais plutôt une dynamique dans un temps et dans un lieu donné, au chevauchement culturel de diverses traditions politiques et formes d’autorité, au truchement de divers espaces (imposé ou symbolique) et institutions (formelle et informelle). Les Algonquins se renouvellent continuellement politiquement au sein de leur système. Ceci n’est pas un effet de l’acculturation, d’une hybridité ou de la modernité mais relève bien de la tradition. Le rattachement de fonctions et dynamiques traditionnelles à la structure formelle constitue un début de gouvernance « par le bas ». Cette dernière renouvelle de l’intérieur, par l’établissement d’un dialogue, la relation entre les leaders autochtones et les représentants de l’État, ce qui donne aux acteurs locaux une marge de manœuvre. Les Algonquins ont saisi les incompatibilités des deux systèmes – blanc et autochtone – pour définir un nouveau territoire, « in the cracks », qui devient leur domaine d’action. L'analyse de la flexibilité du leadership algonquin, de la vision eurocanadienne du leadership amérindien, de l’usage instrumental des exigences de l’État, des élections et des éligibles contemporains, de l'empowerment des femmes algonquines et du leadership féminin en milieu de réserve, a révélé que le leadership interstitiel est une force politique pour les Kitigan Zibi Anishnabeg. En portant un regard critique sur la politique locale dans le quotidien d'une bande et en incluant les voix autochtones, il est possible d’observer le processus de décolonisation et des formes embryonnaires de pratiques postcoloniales au sein des réserves. Cette recherche a démontré que le chef et les autres leaders sont au cœur de cette dynamique politique dans les marges, de l’essor et de l’émancipation politique de leur bande.

Gestão de defesa: o sistema de inovação no segmento de não-guerra

Com o fim da Guerra Fria e os acontecimentos que marcaram o “onze de setembro”, novas ameaças surgiram, impactando negativamente a percepção de segurança coletiva, e impondo profundas modificações nas estruturas e no modo de atuação do Poder Militar de diversas nações. A marginalidade social, o narcotráfico, o crime organizado, a degradação do meio ambiente e outras tantas ameaças, fizeram com que algumas nações se vissem motivadas a empregar suas Forças Armadas, prioritariamente, no combate a estas mazelas, ou seja, nas operações de não-guerra. Este fenômeno vem causando uma ebulição nas ciências militares, com reflexo no campo social, político e econômico, provocando um processo conhecido como “Transformação da Defesa”, que só é viável com a ruptura de alguns modelos tradicionais de administração e com a introdução de uma nova cultura organizacional que promova um ambi-ente adequado ao processo de inovações no setor de Defesa. Para fazer gestão deste processo, deve haver um sistema de inovação setorial de Defesa, já que o atual modelo, conforme apon-tou a investigação, é fragmentado e desarticulado, que produz, fundamentalmente, inovações incrementais e, raramente as de ruptura. Trata-se de um sistema virtual, que não existe for-malmente como tal, mas que possui toda a infraestrutura necessária para funcionar como um sistema formal e gerenciável. A pesquisa, de caráter epistemológico estruturalista, teve por objetivo desenvolver um modelo conceitual para gestão do sistema de inovação do setor de Defesa (segmento de não-guerra), com base em uma estrutura subjacente desvelada, que, de forma oculta, dá suporte ao sistema atual. O desvelamento desta estrutura permitiu concluir que, no campo estudado, os agentes do sistema de inovação, agindo de acordo com seus inte-resses, mobilizam, de forma consciente ou inconsciente, os fatores valorativos da inovação presentes na cultura organizacional em que estão imersos, os quais, juntamente com a influên-cia dos fatores de suporte (o Capital), são fundamentais para a formação de alianças e, em consequência, para o processo de inovação no segmento de não-guerra do setor de Defesa. Como era esperado, o desvelamento da estrutura subjacente propiciou a realização de um di-agnóstico preciso do sistema estudado, permitindo ao pesquisador o lançamento de um olhar crítico sobre o mesmo, o que contribui para a proposição de uma intervenção segura no modelo vigente. O modelo proposto buscou incentivar, também, a criação, o avanço e a difusão das inovações não-tecnológicas, contrapondo-se ao atual, que privilegia fundamentalmente a abordagem tecnológica. Adicionalmente, foram sugeridas algumas medidas, no sentido de incrementar as interações entre os principais agentes do sistema.

A integração do tutorial interativo TryLogic via IMS Learning Tools Interoperability: construindo uma infraestrutura para o ensino de Lógica através de estratégias de demonstração e refutação

Logic courses represent a pedagogical challenge and the recorded number of cases of failures and of discontinuity in them is often high. Amont other difficulties, students face a cognitive overload to understand logical concepts in a relevant way. On that track, computational tools for learning are resources that help both in alleviating the cognitive overload scenarios and in allowing for the practical experimenting with theoretical concepts. The present study proposes an interactive tutorial, namely the TryLogic, aimed at teaching to solve logical conjectures either by proofs or refutations. The tool was developed from the architecture of the tool TryOcaml, through support of the communication of the web interface ProofWeb in accessing the proof assistant Coq. The goals of TryLogic are: (1) presenting a set of lessons for applying heuristic strategies in solving problems set in Propositional Logic; (2) stepwise organizing the exposition of concepts related to Natural Deduction and to Propositional Semantics in sequential steps; (3) providing interactive tasks to the students. The present study also aims at: presenting our implementation of a formal system for refutation; describing the integration of our infrastructure with the Virtual Learning Environment Moodle through the IMS Learning Tools Interoperability specification; presenting the Conjecture Generator that works for the tasks involving proving and refuting; and, finally to evaluate the learning experience of Logic students through the application of the conjecture solving task associated to the use of the TryLogic

Rafael Moneo: la complessità del vuoto. Dalle matrici formali dell'opera di Oteiza e Chillida

The experience of void, essential to the production of forms and to make use them, can be considered as the base of the activities that attend to the formative processes. If void and matter constitutes the basic substances of architecture. Their role in the definition of form, the symbolic value and the constructive methods of it defines the quality of the space. This job inquires the character of space in the architecture of Moneo interpreting the meaning of the void in the Basque culture through the reading of the form matrices in the work of Jorge Oteiza and Eduardo Chillida. In the tie with the Basque culture a reading key is characterized by concurring to put in relation some of the theoretical principles expressed by Moneo on the relationship between place and time, in an unique and specific vision of the space. In the analysis of the process that determines the genesis of the architecture of Moneo emerges a trajectory whose direction is constructed on two pivos: on the one hand architecture like instrument of appropriation of the place, gushed from an acquaintance process who leans itself to the reading of the relations that define the place and of the resonances through which measuring it, on the other hand the architecture whose character is able to represent and to extend the time in which he is conceived, through the autonomy that is conferred to them from values. Following the trace characterized from this hypothesis, that is supported on the theories elaborated from Moneo, surveying deepens the reading of the principles that construct the sculptural work of Oteiza and Chillida, features from a search around the topic of the void and to its expression through the form. It is instrumental to the definition of a specific area that concurs to interpret the character of the space subtended to a vision of the place and the time, affine to the sensibility of Moneo and in some way not stranger to its cultural formation. The years of the academic formation, during which Moneo enters in contact with the Basque artistic culture, seem to be an important period in the birth of that knowledge that will leads him to the formulation of theories tied to the relationship between time, place and architecture. The values expressed through the experimental work of Oteiza and Chillida during years '50 are valid bases to the understanding of such relationships. In tracing a profile of the figures of Oteiza and Chillida, without the pretension that it is exhaustive for the reading of the complex historical period in which they are placed, but with the needs to put the work in a context, I want to be evidenced the important role carried out from the two artists from the Basque cultural area within which Moneo moves its first steps. The tie that approaches Moneo to the Basque culture following the personal trajectory of the formative experience interlaces to that one of important figures of the art and the Spanish architecture. One of the more meaningful relationships is born just during the years of his academic formation, from 1958 to the 1961, when he works like student in the professional office of the architect Francisco Sáenz de Oiza, who was teaching architectural design at the ETSAM. In these years many figures of Basque artists alternated at the professional office of Oiza that enjoys the important support of the manufacturer and maecenas Juan Huarte Beaumont, introduced to he from Oteiza. The tie between Huarte and Oteiza is solid and continuous in the years and it realizes in a contribution to many of the initiatives that makes of Oteiza a forwarder of the Basque culture. In the four years of collaboration with Oiza, Moneo has the opportunity to keep in contact with an atmosphere permeated by a constant search in the field of the plastic art and with figures directly connected to such atmosphere. It’s of a period of great intensity as in the production like in the promotion of the Basque art. The collective “Blanco y Negro”, than is held in 1959 at the Galería Darro to Madrid, is only one of the many times of an exhibition of the work of Oteiza and Chillida. The end of the Fifties is a period of international acknowledgment for Chillida that for Oteiza. The decade of the Fifties consecrates the hypotheses of a mythical past of the Basque people through the spread of the studies carried out in the antecedent years. The archaeological discoveries that join to a context already rich of signs of the prehistoric era, consolidate the knowledge of a strong cultural identity. Oteiza, like Chillida and other contemporary artists, believe in a cosmogonist conception belonging to the Basques, connected to their matriarchal mythological past. The void in its meaning of absence, in the Basque culture, thus as in various archaic and oriental religions, is equivalent to the spiritual fullness as essential condition to the revealing of essence. Retracing the archaic origins of the Basque culture emerges the deep meaning that the void assumes as key element in the religious interpretation of the passage from the life to the death. The symbology becomes rich of meaningful characters who derive from the fact that it is a chthonic cult. A representation of earth like place in which divine manifest itself but also like connection between divine and human, and this manipulation of the matter of which the earth it is composed is the tangible projection of the continuous search of the man towards God. The search of equilibrium between empty and full, that characterizes also the development of the form in architecture, in the Basque culture assumes therefore a peculiar value that returns like constant in great part of the plastic expressions, than in this context seem to be privileged regarding the other expressive forms. Oteiza and Chillida develop two original points of view in the representation of the void through the form. Both use of rigorous systems of rules sensitive to the physics principles and the characters of the matter. The last aim of the Oteiza’s construction is the void like limit of the knowledge, like border between known and unknown. It doesn’t means to reduce the sculptural object to an only allusive dimension because the void as physical and spiritual power is an active void, that possesses that value able to reveal the being through the trace of un-being. The void in its transcendental manifestation acts at the same time from universal and from particular, like in the atomic structure of the matter, in which on one side it constitutes the inner structure of every atom and on the other one it is necessary condition to the interaction between all the atoms. The void can be seen therefore as the action field that concurs the relations between the forms but is also the necessary condition to the same existence of the form. In the construction of Chillida the void represents that counterpart structuring the matter, inborn in it, the element in absence of which wouldn’t be variations neither distinctive characters to define the phenomenal variety of the world. The physics laws become the subject of the sculptural representation, the void are the instrument that concurs to catch up the equilibrium. Chillida dedicate himself to experience the space through the senses, to perceive of the qualities, to tell the physics laws which forge the matter in the form and the form arranges the places. From the artistic experience of the two sculptors they can be transposed, to the architectonic work of Moneo, those matrices on which they have constructed their original lyric expressions, where the void is absolute protagonist. An ambit is defined thus within which the matrices form them drafts from the work of Oteiza and Chillida can be traced in the definition of the process of birth and construction of the architecture of Moneo, but also in the relation that the architecture establishes with the place and in the time. The void becomes instrument to read the space constructed in its relationships that determine the proportions, rhythms, and relations. In this way the void concurs to interpret the architectonic space and to read the value of it, the quality of the spaces constructing it. This because it’s like an instrument of the composition, whose role is to maintain to the separation between the elements putting in evidence the field of relations. The void is that instrument that serves to characterize the elements that are with in the composition, related between each other, but distinguished. The meaning of the void therefore pushes the interpretation of the architectonic composition on the game of the relations between the elements that, independent and distinguished, strengthen themselves in their identity. On the one hand if void, as measurable reality, concurs all the dimensional changes quantifying the relationships between the parts, on the other hand its dialectic connotation concurs to search the equilibrium that regulated such variations. Equilibrium that therefore does not represent an obtained state applying criteria setting up from arbitrary rules but that depends from the intimate nature of the matter and its embodiment in the form. The production of a form, or a formal system that can be finalized to the construction of a building, is indissolubly tied to the technique that is based on the acquaintance of the formal vocation of the matter, and what it also can representing, meaning, expresses itself in characterizing the site. For Moneo, in fact, the space defined from the architecture is above all a site, because the essence of the site is based on the construction. When Moneo speaks about “birth of the idea of plan” like essential moment in the construction process of the architecture, it refers to a process whose complexity cannot be born other than from a deepened acquaintance of the site that leads to the comprehension of its specificity. Specificity arise from the infinite sum of relations, than for Moneo is the story of the oneness of a site, of its history, of the cultural identity and of the dimensional characters that that they are tied to it beyond that to the physical characteristics of the site. This vision is leaned to a solid made physical structure of perceptions, of distances, guideline and references that then make that the process is first of all acquaintance, appropriation. Appropriation that however does not happen for directed consequence because does not exist a relationship of cause and effect between place and architecture, thus as an univocal and exclusive way does not exist to arrive to a representation of an idea. An approach that, through the construction of the place where the architecture acquires its being, searches an expression of its sense of the truth. The proposal of a distinction for areas like space, matter, spirit and time, answering to the issues that scan the topics of the planning search of Moneo, concurs a more immediate reading of the systems subtended to the composition principles, through which is related the recurrent architectonic elements in its planning dictionary. From the dialectic between the opposites that is expressed in the duality of the form, through the definition of a complex element that can mediate between inside and outside as a real system of exchange, Moneo experiences the form development of the building deepening the relations that the volume establishes in the site. From time to time the invention of a system used to answer to the needs of the program and to resolve the dual character of the construction in an only gesture, involves a deep acquaintance of the professional practice. The technical aspect is the essential support to which the construction of the system is indissolubly tied. What therefore arouses interest is the search of the criteria and the way to construct that can reveal essential aspects of the being of the things. The constructive process demands, in fact, the acquaintance of the formative properties of the matter. Property from which the reflections gush on the relations that can be born around the architecture through the resonance produced from the forms. The void, in fact, through the form is in a position to constructing the site establishing a reciprocity relation. A reciprocity that is determined in the game between empty and full and of the forms between each other, regarding around, but also with regard to the subjective experience. The construction of a background used to amplify what is arranged on it and to clearly show the relations between the parts and at the same time able to tie itself with around opening the space of the vision, is a system that in the architecture of Moneo has one of its more effective applications in the use of the platform used like architectonic element. The spiritual force of this architectonic gesture is in the ability to define a place whose projecting intention is perceived and shared with who experience and has lived like some instrument to contact the cosmic forces, in a delicate process that lead to the equilibrium with them, but in completely physical way. The principles subtended to the construction of the form taken from the study of the void and the relations that it concurs, lead to express human values in the construction of the site. The validity of these principles however is tested from the time. The time is what Moneo considers as filter that every architecture is subordinate to and the survival of architecture, or any of its formal characters, reveals them the validity of the principles that have determined it. It manifests thus, in the tie between the spatial and spiritual dimension, between the material and the worldly dimension, the state of necessity that leads, in the construction of the architecture, to establish a contact with the forces of the universe and the intimate world, through a process that translate that necessity in elaboration of a formal system.

Transformation of local medicinal knowledge in the Andean Highlands: Case studies from Peru and Bolivia

In the Andean highlands, indigenous environmental knowledge is currently undergoing major changes as a result of various external and internal factors. As in other parts of the world, an overall process of erosion of local knowledge can be observed. In response to this trend, some initiatives that adopt a biocultural approach aim at actively strengthening local identities and revalorizing indigenous environmental knowledge and practices, assuming that such practices can contribute to more sustainable management of biodiversity. However, these initiatives usually lack a sound research basis, as few studies have focused on the dynamics of indigenous environmental knowledge in the Andes and on its links with biodiversity management. Against this background, the general objective of this research project was to contribute to the understanding of the dynamics of indigenous environmental knowledge in the Andean highlands of Peru and Bolivia by investigating how local medicinal knowledge is socially differentiated within rural communities, how it is transformed, and which external and internal factors influence these transformation processes. The project adopted an actor-oriented perspective and emphasized the concept of knowledge dialogue by analyzing the integration of traditional and formal medicinal systems within family therapeutic strategies. It also aimed at grasping some of the links between the dynamics of medicinal knowledge and the types of land use systems and biodiversity management. Research was conducted in two case study areas of the Andes, both Quechua-speaking and situated in comparable agro-ecological production belts - Pitumarca District, Department of Cusco (Southern Peruvian Highlands) and the Tunari National Park, Department of Cochabamba (Bolivian inner-Andean valleys). In each case study area, the land use systems and strategies of 18 families from two rural communities, their environmental knowledge related to medicine and to the local therapeutic flora, and an appreciation of the dynamics of this knowledge were assessed. Data were collected through a combination of disciplinary and participatory action-research methods. It was mostly analyzed using qualitative methods, though some quantitative ethnobotanical methods were also used. In both case studies, traditional medicine still constitutes the preferred option for the families interviewed, independently of their age, education level, economic status, religion, or migration status. Surprisingly and contrary to general assertions among local NGOs and researchers, results show that there is a revival of Andean medicine within the younger generation, who have greater knowledge of medicinal plants than the previous one, value this knowledge as an important element of their way of life and relationship with “Mother Earth” (Pachamama), and, at least in the Bolivian case, prefer to consult the traditional healer rather than go to the health post. Migration to the urban centres and the Amazon lowlands, commonly thought to be an important factor of local medicinal knowledge loss, only affects people’s knowledge in the case of families who migrate over half of the year or permanently. Migration does not influence the knowledge of medicinal plants or the therapeutic strategies of families who migrate temporarily for shorter periods of time. Finally, economic status influences neither the status of people’s medicinal knowledge, nor families’ therapeutic strategies, even though the financial factor is often mentioned by practitioners and local people as the main reason for not using the formal health system. The influence of the formal health system on traditional medicinal knowledge varies in each case study area. In the Bolivian case, where it was only introduced in the 1990s and access to it is still very limited, the main impact was to give local communities access to contraceptive methods and to vaccination. In the Peruvian case, the formal system had a much greater impact on families’ health practices, due to local and national policies that, for instance, practically prohibit some traditional practices such as home birth. But in both cases, biomedicine is not considered capable of responding to cultural illnesses such as “fear” (susto), “bad air” (malviento), or “anger” (colerina). As a consequence, Andean farmers integrate the traditional medicinal system and the formal one within their multiple therapeutic strategies, reflecting an inter-ontological dialogue between different conceptions of health and illness. These findings reflect a more general trend in the Andes, where indigenous communities are currently actively revalorizing their knowledge and taking up traditional practices, thus strengthening their indigenous collective identities in a process of cultural resistance.

Project development for older adults : Orientation's contribution

This paper systematizes the work developed during the first year of the initiation scholarship for the research project entitled 'Orientation within the new Active Aging Model: educational, work-related, personal and social choices (1)'. This project articulates the Active Aging Model and the Theoretical Operative Model in Orientation, in order to learn how new projects are developed by older adults who used to be part of the formal system of labor and by those who were out of it, and to design programmatic proposals for educational, work-related, personal and social Orientation choices for such population. The sample is made up by seventy people between 64 and 74 years of age, residing in La Plata. The first conclusions evidence the importance that older adults place on project development at this stage of their life cycle, giving special importance to educational, personal and social projects; as well as on the identification of economic factors, health state, family needs for care and social support, among other things, as conditioning the fulfillment of such projects. The differences found in terms of the labor system they used to belong to can be especially observed in the type of project developed.

Elaboración de proyectos en adultos mayoresz : Aportes de la orientación

El presente trabajo sistematiza la labor desarrollada durante el primer año de la beca de iniciación del proyecto de investigación 'La Orientación en el nuevo modelo de envejecimiento activo: elecciones educativas, laborales, personales, sociales (1)'. Dicho proyecto articula el Modelo de Envejecimiento Activo y el Modelo Teórico Operativo en Orientación, con el propósito de conocer cómo elaboran los nuevos proyectos los adultos mayores que pertenecieron al sistema formal de trabajo y aquellos que permanecieron fuera de él, y diseñar propuestas programáticas de Orientación y elección educativa, laboral, personal y social destinadas a esta población. La muestra está conformada por sesenta personas de entre 64 y 74 años de edad, residentes en la Ciudad de La Plata. Las primeras conclusiones dan cuenta de la importancia que atribuyen los adultos mayores a la elaboración de proyectos en esta etapa del ciclo vital, prevaleciendo los proyectos educativos, personales y sociales; así como la identificación de factores económicos, condiciones de salud, demanda de cuidados de otros familiares y apoyo social, entre otros, como condicionantes para la concreción de dichos proyectos. Las diferencias encontradas con respecto al sistema de trabajo al que han pertenecido se observan principalmente en el tipo de proyecto elaborado