993 resultados para Australian heritage discourses


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Attempts to increase public participation in heritage related activities have had mixed success. Tourism to heritage sites remains an overt activity that many engage in, but other heritage related activities, such as nominating objects for formal heritage listing, are much rarer. Through a series of qualitative research activities, we examine the public perceptions of what constitutes "heritage" and "heritage - related" behaviours, in order to examine barriers to greater involvement. The findings are that heritage is important to many people, particularly on a personal level. Although initially uncertain about the validity of their views, our respondents defined heritage broadly, believing it to encompass a wide range of objects, places and experiences. Most respondents were undertaking the type of heritage-related behaviours that heritage managers would encourage, however the respondents did not recognise them as being heritage-related. Barriers to greater involvement include this uncertainty over the definition of heritage and a lack of confidence in their ability to effectively recognise and protect heritage. In addition to feeling uncertain about the heritage significance of their own actions and beliefs, the respondents felt even more uncertain about prescribing things of "national heritage value". This uncertainty stifles discussion and action. The solution appears to lay in celebrations of both individual and national heritage, to foster discussions and understanding of communalities across different cultural groups within the nation.

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If place identities are created by ascribing subjective meaning to sites and buildings it follows that diverse groups will consider place meaning differently. This poses a challenge for the selection and interpretation of heritage sites in plural societies where notions of architectural significance are likely to conflict. Basing heritage policy on the premise of a shared heritage is particularly challenging when the cultural traditions of the past underlie definitions of architectural significance in a more culturally diverse present. This paper presents an introduction to research exploring the inclusion of twentieth century migrant built heritage in Australia. Through selected examples of recently recognised heritage sites in Melbourne, the paper considers how migrant heritage is included and what this reveals about the cultural traditions underlying Australian heritage discourses. The inclusion of migrant places suggests that there is an initial shift in heritage discourses where notions of architectural significance have expanded to include the history of post-war migration. However, the examples raise questions about the nature of cultural inclusivity in heritage frameworks.

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The moral rights of contemporary design projects has arisen as a difficult ethical dilemma in Australian architectural discourses, and is more complex when matters of heritage are implicated. This paper considers the position of moral rights under the AustralianCopyright Act 19682 having regard to the Australian exemplars of Peter Muller. Muller is one of the most highly regarded Australian architects of the twentieth century possessing a passion for organic architecture realised in several significant Australian and Indonesian design exemplars. The paper considers recent Australian debates about moral rights and projects that implicate several architectural and landscape architecture projects, the current legal interpretations, and explains the ideas, values, and opinions and practice of Muller in this context. A clear conclusion is that while the Act confers rights, there is no mechanism to ensure adherence to these rights, and particularly in the situation of a living designer where one of their designs is being accorded heritage status.

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This thesis presents the findings of a case study of international students who enrol in Australian secondary schools. Specifically, it focuses on the ways that staff in three schools and two international colleges position Eastern Asian international students through discourses of cultural difference. It draws together the Discourse Historical Approach to Critical Discourse Analysis with the work of Basil Bernstein and Pierre Bourdieu. The study finds that groups of students are positioned positively or negatively depending on their relationship to the dominant discourses of the Australian school. Australian students, while rarely mentioned, were positioned positively. By contrast, the Eastern Asian international students were positioned negatively in relation to the privileged discourses of Australian schooling. These discourses reflected the cultural capital that was valued in the schools. In particular, the cultural capital of active and willing engagement in competitive sports and being rough, rugged and an ‘ocker’ were privileged at the schools. International students from Papua New Guinea, and a few Eastern Asian students who behaved as ockers, were positioned positively because they realised cultural capital that was valued at the schools. By contrast, the students who were unable to be positioned through these discourses, because they did not realise cultural capital that was valued, were not viewed favourably. As a result, the data showed that there was a hierarchy of positions at the schools that were constructed in staff accounts. The analysis of data suggests that only some students are positioned favourably in Australian schools. The students who were already able to construct privileged Australian school discourses were positioned positively. The data suggest that the majority of the Eastern Asian students were represented through negative discourses because they did not realise cultural capital that was valued at the schools. Findings of this study may assist schools to identify international students who may experience their Australian school education negatively. The findings may also contribute to assisting staff to better engage with international students.

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The Adelaide Park Lands and the ‘City of Adelaide Plan’ (1837), as prepared by Colonel William Light, have long been held up as an international precedent in town planning literature. The celebrated model, embraced by Ebenezer Howard to describe his Garden City theory, has several layers of cultural landscape heritage. The ‘Plan’, in recent years, has been subject to a rigorous investigation of its Indigenous and colonization evolutionary layers to inform moves to list the landscape as possessing national heritage status under relevant Australian heritage regimes, and more recently under the National Heritage List regime, as a pre-emptive strategy towards an eventual World Heritage nomination of the cultural landscape and ‘Plan’.

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This paper argues that Flickr, a popular ‘photosharing’ website, is facilitating new public engagements with world heritage sites like the Sydney Opera House. Australian heritage institutions (namely libraries and museums) have recently begun to employ Flickr as a site through which to engage communities with their photographic archives and collections. Yet Flickr is more than an ‘online photo album’: it is a social and cultural network generated around personal photographic practices. Members can form ‘groups’: self‐organised communities defined by shared interests in places, photographic genres, or the appraisal of photographs. These groups are public spaces for both visual and textual conversations – complex social negotiations involving personal expression and collective identity. For one group, the common interest is the Sydney Opera House, and their shared visual and textual expressions – representations of this building. This paper argues that such socio‐visual practices themselves constitute an intangible heritage. By drawing on the work of scholars Jose Van Dijck and Nancy Van House, Dawson Munjeri and Michael Warner, the paper proposes that this enactment of intangible heritage is implicated in the broader cultural value of the Sydney Opera House

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This thesis investigates the crossover from and intersection between tangible and intangible heritage in the context of World Heritage. Since the start of the twenty-first century, intangible heritage has become increasingly important in international cultural heritage conservation theory and practice. In heritage literature, intangible heritage has been theorized in relation to tangible or built heritage, thereby extending the definition of cultural heritage to consider a holistic perspective. New heritage conservation instruments have been created for the protection of intangible heritage, such as most prominently the 2003 UNESCO Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage. The changing conception of cultural heritage that goes beyond tangible heritage has also influenced existing instruments like the 1972 UNESCO Convention concerning the protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage. The thesis studies how intangible heritage has been recognized and interpreted in implementing the concept of cultural heritage as defined by the World Heritage Convention. It examines the historical development of the concept of World Cultural Heritage with the aim of tracing the construction of intangible heritage in this context. The thesis consists of six chapters. The introduction sets out the research problem and research question. In the literature review, international cultural heritage conservation is portrayed as the research context, the knowledge gap between World Heritage and intangible heritage is identified and an understanding of the research problem deepened, and methods from similar research in the subject area are presented. The methodology in the third chapter describes choices made concerning the research paradigm, research approach and strategy, the use of concepts and illustrative examples, as well as data collection and analysis methods. Knowledge is constructed using primarily a historical approach and related methods. Through the analysis of pertinent documents and heritage discourses, an understanding of the concept of intangible heritage is developed and the concept of World Cultural Heritage is investigated. In the fourth chapter, intangible heritage is studied by looking at specific cultural heritage discourses, that is, a scientific, a UNESCO, and an ICOMOS discourse. Intangible heritage is theorized in relation to the concepts of tangible heritage, heritage value, and cultural heritage. Knowledge gained in this chapter serves as a theoretical lens to trace the recognition of and tease out interpretations of intangible heritage in the context of implementing the concept of World Cultural Heritage. The results are presented in chapter five. A historical development is portrayed in five time periods and for the concepts of cultural heritage, Outstanding Universal Value, the criteria to assess World Heritage value, and authenticity. The conclusion summarizes the main outcomes, assesses the thesis’ contribution to scientific knowledge as well as its limitations, and outlines possible further research. The main results include the identification of the term intangible heritage as an indicator for a paradigm shift and a new approach to conceiving cultural heritage in international cultural heritage conservation. By focusing on processes and the living relationship between people and their environment or place, intangible heritage emphasizes the anthropological. In the context of this conception, intangible heritage takes on two meanings. First, value is attributed by people and hence, is inherently immaterial. Secondly, place is constituted of a tangible-intangible continuum in terms of attributes. A paradigm shift and increasing recognition of an anthropological approach to cultural heritage were identified for all discourses, that is, UNESCO, ICOMOS, the scientific field, and World Heritage. For World Heritage, intangible heritage was recognized indirectly in terms of historical associations during the 1970s and 1980s. The anthropological shift occurred in the early 1990s. The term intangible was introduced and the meaning of intangible heritage was extended to include cultural associations. The subsequent decade is characterized by a process of internalization and implementation of the new approach to cultural heritage. The 2003 Intangible Cultural Heritage Convention created momentum. By the early 2010s, while not explicitly recognizing the immaterial character of values, a holistic approach to cultural heritage was fully endorsed that considers the idea of intangible attributes as carriers of values. An understanding of the recognition of intangible heritage through the implementation of the World Heritage Convention and scientific research in general provide an important knowledge base for implementing the Convention in a more coherent, objective, and well-informed way.

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This thesis investigates the crossover from and intersection between tangible and intangible heritage in the context of World Heritage. Since the start of the twenty-first century, intangible heritage has become increasingly important in international cultural heritage conservation theory and practice. In heritage literature, intangible heritage has been theorized in relation to tangible or built heritage, thereby extending the definition of cultural heritage to consider a holistic perspective. New heritage conservation instruments have been created for the protection of intangible heritage, such as most prominently the 2003 UNESCO Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage. The changing conception of cultural heritage that goes beyond tangible heritage has also influenced existing instruments like the 1972 UNESCO Convention concerning the protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage. The thesis studies how intangible heritage has been recognized and interpreted in implementing the concept of cultural heritage as defined by the World Heritage Convention. It examines the historical development of the concept of World Cultural Heritage with the aim of tracing the construction of intangible heritage in this context. The thesis consists of six chapters. The introduction sets out the research problem and research question. In the literature review, international cultural heritage conservation is portrayed as the research context, the knowledge gap between World Heritage and intangible heritage is identified and an understanding of the research problem deepened, and methods from similar research in the subject area are presented. The methodology in the third chapter describes choices made concerning the research paradigm, research approach and strategy, the use of concepts and illustrative examples, as well as data collection and analysis methods. Knowledge is constructed using primarily a historical approach and related methods. Through the analysis of pertinent documents and heritage discourses, an understanding of the concept of intangible heritage is developed and the concept of World Cultural Heritage is investigated. In the fourth chapter, intangible heritage is studied by looking at specific cultural heritage discourses, that is, a scientific, a UNESCO, and an ICOMOS discourse. Intangible heritage is theorized in relation to the concepts of tangible heritage, heritage value, and cultural heritage. Knowledge gained in this chapter serves as a theoretical lens to trace the recognition of and tease out interpretations of intangible heritage in the context of implementing the concept of World Cultural Heritage. The results are presented in chapter five. A historical development is portrayed in five time periods and for the concepts of cultural heritage, Outstanding Universal Value, the criteria to assess World Heritage value, and authenticity. The conclusion summarizes the main outcomes, assesses the thesis’ contribution to scientific knowledge as well as its limitations, and outlines possible further research. The main results include the identification of the term intangible heritage as an indicator for a paradigm shift and a new approach to conceiving cultural heritage in international cultural heritage conservation. By focusing on processes and the living relationship between people and their environment or place, intangible heritage emphasizes the anthropological. In the context of this conception, intangible heritage takes on two meanings. First, value is attributed by people and hence, is inherently immaterial. Secondly, place is constituted of a tangible-intangible continuum in terms of attributes. A paradigm shift and increasing recognition of an anthropological approach to cultural heritage were identified for all discourses, that is, UNESCO, ICOMOS, the scientific field, and World Heritage. For World Heritage, intangible heritage was recognized indirectly in terms of historical associations during the 1970s and 1980s. The anthropological shift occurred in the early 1990s. The term intangible was introduced and the meaning of intangible heritage was extended to include cultural associations. The subsequent decade is characterized by a process of internalization and implementation of the new approach to cultural heritage. The 2003 Intangible Cultural Heritage Convention created momentum. By the early 2010s, while not explicitly recognizing the immaterial character of values, a holistic approach to cultural heritage was fully endorsed that considers the idea of intangible attributes as carriers of values. An understanding of the recognition of intangible heritage through the implementation of the World Heritage Convention and scientific research in general provide an important knowledge base for implementing the Convention in a more coherent, objective, and well-informed way.

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Bonegilla, Australia's largest post-war migrant processing and reception centre, re-emerged in the public sphere from the late 1980s. A reunion festival was staged on the grounds of the former centre in 1987. Widely attended by former residents, it was considered a success by its organisers, a grass-roots committee of former residents. Another reunion was held ten years later, this time by a committee led by local council members. Both these reunions are important moments in the formation of Bonegilla's public history and its orientation to a narrative of progress and Australian multiculturalism. Analysing them highlights wider changes in heritage discourses and management, and in the evolution of multiculturalism in Australia. Many recent studies of public commemorations in Australia have argued that vernacular or participatory commemorations can be, and almost inevitably are, overtaken and dominated by state-sanctioned narratives. In this article, I will focus on these two reunions in order to argue that despite the progressive dominance of official or institutional powers over Bonegilla's public history, participants’ voices endure within or alongside official frameworks. Despite the obvious differences between the 1987 and 1997 reunions, collective and individual recollections from ex-residents and their families creatively operate within established and seemingly official narrative frameworks. These are not restrictive, nor do they silence alternative articulations. Some ex-residents actively draw on the narrative frameworks available to them to attribute new significance to their experiences, whether melancholy or fond, and consequently include alternative stories that add further to Bonegilla's public multi-vocality.

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The economic and political shifts that together constitute contemporary globalisation are opening up new spaces for non-Western modes of heritage governance in the international arena. Perhaps most notable here is the so-called rise of Asia, wherein a growing number of countries are investing heavily in a range of institutions and initiatives designed to provide cultural sector aid across the region. These new forms of heritage diplomacy hold significant implications for the governance of heritage at the global level, such that they promise to unsettle those structures and norms which emerged from Europe and North America and stabilised internationally over the course of the twentieth century. The paper explores such changes and some of the ways the Australian heritage conservation sector might respond to this rapidly shifting landscape of heritage diplomacy.

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This paper explores the role of diasporic subjects in China’s heritage-making through a case study of the Turtle Garden built by Tan Kah Kee in Xiamen, China. Tan is the first person with Overseas Chinese background who built museums in the P.R. China and has been regarded as a symbol of Overseas Chinese patriotism. This paper argues that the Turtle Garden, conceptualised as a postcolonial ‘carnivalesque’ space, is more than a civic museum for public education. It reflects the owner’s highly complex and sometimes conflicting museum outlook embedded in his life experience as a migrant, his encounter with (British) colonialism in Malaya, and integrated with his desire and despair about the Chinese Communist Party’s nation-building project in the 1950s. Rather than a sign of devotion to the socialist motherland as simplistically depicted in China’s discourse, the garden symbolises Tan’s last ‘spiritual world’ where he simultaneously engaged with soul-searching as a returned Overseas Chinese and alternative diasporic imagining of Chinese identities and nation. It brings to light the value of heritage-making outside centralised heritage discourses, and offers an invaluable analytical lens to disentangle the contested and ever shifting relationship between diasporic subjects, cultural heritage and nation-(re)building in the Chinese context and beyond.

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The paper presents a content-based evaluation, tracing the historical background of two heritage music collections at the State Library of Victoria (Melbourne, Australia).  In the case of the Gustav Holst and the British Music Society of Victoria Collections, history and content intertwine for the reason that both collections were initiated at the same time and by the same visionary power. During the early 1930s Louise Hanson-Dyer, a patron of Gustav Holst, issued a complete catalogue of the composer’s works and donated to the State Library of Victoria the first batch of Holst scores. This was to be the initial installment of a complete collection of published British music, which, however, was stopped due to duty tax complications. At the same time, the British Music Society of Victoria, founded by Louise Hanson-Dyer in 1921, maintained the first open library of chamber music in Australia. The BMS of Victoria Collection came to the State Library of Victoria in the 1980s. The most valuable materials in the collection are manuscripts of Australian twentieth century works, concert programs and first publications of British music from the 1920s and 1930s, which also supplement the Gustav Holst Collection. The collections are valuable reference and research collections, which document musical taste and music-making in Melbourne from 1920s well into the 1970s. The collections are also sources for studies into Louise Hanson-Dyer’s gift in collection development and her efforts to raise the professional standards of music performance in Melbourne and Australia.

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The principles and knowledge about arid planning and design have much applicability to contemporary Australian planning discourses because of climate change evidence and policy shifts that sketch a hotter and more unreliable future climate with an emphasis upon a semi-arid environment for Australia. Despite this merit and intent, we appear to have learnt little from the past and are failing to draw upon the pioneering planning and design knowledge that underpinned community development and scaffolding in numerous Australian arid and semi-arid communities, and to bring this knowledge into our future planning processes and strategies.

This paper considers the essential attributes and variables of three Australian arid planning and design, drawing upon historical practice and research that have been explored in the planning of semi-arid and arid places including Port Pirie, Whyalla, Monarto, Broken Hill, Port Augusta, Leigh Creek, Andamooka, Olympic Dam Village and Roxby Downs. It specifically reviews Woomera Village (1940s) Shay Gap (1970s) and the proposed extensions to Roxby Downs (2010s) as models of how to better plan and design communities in arid environments. Instrumental in these innovations is the use of landscape-responsive urban design strategies, water harvesting and irregular rainfall capture, arid horticulture, building design, colour and materiality, orientation and shading strategies, and social community construction under difficult isolationist circumstances. The paper points to key strategies that need to be incorporated in future climate change responsive community developments and policy making.

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The sculptural roof forms of the Sydney Opera House regularly attract visual analogies in the public mind. Although they are mostly referred to as a??sailsa?? or a??shellsa?? they have also been described through humorous metaphors like a??a dishrack full of crockerya??. This particular visual pun, is a reference to a linocut by Eric Thake, produced in 1972, the year before the official opening of the Sydney Opera House. This analogy and its continued popularity to date evidences the social and cultural life of this building. Much of the scholarly on the Sydney Opera House investigates the architecture and the circumstances of its realisation, whilst its reception and social significance, has received little systematic attention. Through Thakea??s linocut, the paper discusses the current limitations in evaluating social significance in an Australian heritage context and proposes an alternative perspective to this problem through two scholars who bring a??subjective experiencea?? to bear on the production of meaning. For Gillian Rose, visual artefacts become significant through their embodied experience, whilst Ann Game argues for the inclusion of such usually-excluded subjects like desire, memory, time and the body in the construction of meaning. By bringing these theories to bear on a specific example - Eric Thakea??s visual metaphor for the Sydney Opera House - the paper investigates a new approach to social significance.