817 resultados para Aurora liberal


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O Algarve na primeira metade do século XIX era um território periférico e quase marginalizado. Mas nunca deixou de ser uma região geo-estratégica (como o foi no tempo dos Descobrimentos) de fulcral importância no evoluir do processo histórico português. O Algarve, como espaço/região, e os algarvios como (re)agentes activos, foram, no seu conjunto, decisivos para o dirimir das lutas políticas e da consequente guerra civil, que implantou definitivamente o liberalismo em Portugal. No contexto nacional, o Algarve foi uma das regiões mais sacrificadas, tanto nos seus valores humanos como nos seus recursos económicos. Parece-nos indubitável o papel dos algarvios na construção do liberalismo português, sendo o posicionamento geográfico da sua costa atlântico-mediterrânica de capital importância para a eclosão da guerra-civil. Por outro lado, o Algarve tornara-se desde o início do século XIX, com as invasões napoleónicas, um dos pólos mais sensíveis do quadro revolucionário português. Todos os conflitos militares que projectaram alterações políticas passaram pelo Algarve. Daí que, do ponto de vista militar, adquirisse esta região o estatuto de eixo geopolítico sobre o qual giraria, praticamente, toda a primeira metade do Oitocentismo português.

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In 1993 the Australian Broadcasting Corporation was contracted by the Australian Government to assist in the reshaping of the South African Broadcasting Corporation from a state-run broadcaster to a respected and trusted national broadcaster for all people in the newly democratic South Africa. Broadcast journalism training was identified by ABC consultant Bob Wurth as possibly the greatest need for SABC Radio. This thesis examines the ABC's role in South Africa and the effectiveness of its radio journalism training project considering the organisational, structural, cultural and political constraints of the SABC. This thesis will show through interviews and participant observation the difficulties in achieving the production of Western Liberal journalism values at the SABC within the time constraints set by the project funded by the Australian Government and the particular South African morays.

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Aurora, an illustrated novella, is a retelling of the classic fairytale Sleeping Beauty, set on the Australian coast around the grounds of the family lighthouse. Instead of following in the footsteps of tradition, this tale focuses on the long time Aurora is cursed to sleep by the malevolent Minerva; we follow Aurora as she voyages into the unconscious. Hunted by Minerva through the shifting landscape of her dreams, Aurora is dogged by a nagging pull towards the light—there is something she has left behind. Eventually, realising she must face Minerva to break the curse, they stage a battle of the minds in which Aurora triumphs, having grasped the power of her thoughts, her words. Aurora, an Australian fairytale, is a story of self-empowerment, the ability to shape destiny and the power of the mind. The exegesis examines a two-pronged question: is the illustrated book for young adults—graphic novel—relevant to a contemporary readership, and, is the graphic novel, where text and image intersect, a suitably specular genre in which to explore the unconscious? It establishes the language of the unconscious and the meaning of the term ‘graphic novel’, before investigating the place of the illustrated book for an older readership in a contemporary market, particularly exploring visual literacy and the way text and image—a hybrid narrative—work together. It then studies the aptitude of graphic literature to representing the unconscious and looks at two pioneers of the form: Audrey Niffenegger, specifically her visual novel The Three Incestuous Sisters, and Shaun Tan, and his graphic novel The Arrival. Finally, it reflects upon the creative work, Aurora, in light of three concerns: how best to develop a narrative able to relay the dreaming story; how to bestow a certain ‘Australianess’ upon the text and images; and the dilemma of designing an illustrated book for an older readership.

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Legal educators in Australia have increasingly become concerned with the mental health of law students. The apparent risk posed by legal education to a student’s mental health has led to the deployment of a variety of measures to address these problems. By exploring these measures as productive power relations attempting to shape law students, this paper outlines how this government of depression is achieved, and the potential costs of these power relations. It examines one central Australian text offering advice about how students and law student societies can address depression, and argues that doing so not only involves students adopting particular practices of self-government to shape their legal personae, but also relies on an extension of the power relations of legal education. In addition, this paper will link this advice — which privatises the issue of depression, responsibilises individuals and communities, privileges psychological expertise, and seeks to govern ‘at a distance’ — to broader forms of social administration that presently characterise many Western societies. Doing so allows legal educators to reflect on the effects of their attempts to govern depression, and to consider new ways of altering the power relations of legal education.

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Aurora Kinase (AK) based therapy targeting AK-A & B is effective against some cancers. We have explored its potential against previously unreported incurable, metastatic androgen depletion independent Prostate Cancer (ADIPC). We used androgen sensitive (AS) and ADI lines derived from Transgenic Adenocarcinoma of the Mouse Prostate (TRAMP) mice. The relevance of this model was unequivocally established through focussed array, quantitative PCR and western blotting studies; significantly greater alteration of genes (fold change and number) representing major cancer pathways was shown in ADI cells compared to AS lines. A marked enhancement of in vivo growth of the ADI subline showing the greatest degree of gene modulations [TRAMP C1 (TC1)-T5: TC1-T5] reflected this. In contrast to the parental AS TC1 line, TC1-T5 cells grew with 100% incidence in the prostate, as lung pseudometastases and migrated to the bone and other soft tissues. The potential involvement of AKs in this transition was indicated by the significant upregulation of AK-A/B and their downstream regulators, survivin and phosphorylated-histone H3 in TC1-T5 cells compared to TC1 cells. This led to enhanced sensitivity of TC1-T5 cells to the pan-AK inhibitor, VX680 and to significant reduction in in vivo tumour growth rates when AK-A and/or B were downregulated in TC1-T5 cells. This cell growth inhibition was markedly enhanced when both AKs were downregulated and also led to substantially greater sensitivity of these cells to docetaxel, the only chemotherapeutic with activity against ADI PC. Finally, use of VX680 with docetaxel led to impressive synergies suggesting promise for treating clinical ADI metastatic PC.

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This paper draws upon the current situation within Japanese Higher Education. In particular the paper focuses on educational reforms and how they relate to the notions of Yutori Kyoiku which constituted a major attempt by Japanese education to develop individual student capacity. A clear subtext of the recent neo-liberal reform agenda is a desire to incorporated free-market ideals into the Japanese educational system. This paper raises several important problems connected to the reforms such as the decrease in classroom hours, changes to the contents of textbooks and a growing discrepancy in academic skills between students in different localities. These education reforms have impacted on notions of Yutori Kyoiku through the continuation of nationally standardized testing and changes directed at controlling the practices of classroom teachers. While acknowledging the current Japanese cabinet’s (DP) education policy has been inherited from an earlier LDP government, the paper points to similarities between the current reforms and the iconic Meiji era reforms of the late 1800s.

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The relationship between social background and achievement has preoccupied educational researchers since the mid-20th century with major studies in the area reaching prominence in the late 60s. Despite five decades of research and innovation since, recent studies using OECD data have shown that the relationship is strengthening rather than weakening. In this paper, the systematic destabilisation of public education in Australia is examined as a philosophical problem stemming from a fundamental shift in political orientation, where “choice” and “aspiration” work to promote and disguise survivalism. The problem for education however extends far deeper than the inequity in Federal government funding. Whilst this is a major problem, critical scrutiny must also focus on what states can do to turn back aspects of their own education policy that work to exacerbate and entrench social disadvantage.

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Democracy is a multi-dimensional concept, ranging from definitions based exclusively on institutional frameworks (for example, Held, 2005, Przeworski, Alvarez, Cheibub and Limongi, 2000) to complex and integrated measures that include political and civil rights, democratic practices, values and, finally, a diverse set of institutional arrangements in society, including welfare, education, industrial relations and the legal system (Inglehart and Welzel, 2005, Jaggers and Gurr, 1995, O'Donnell, Cullel and Iazetta, 2004). This reflects the range of and distinction between merely formal electoral democracy and genuinely 'effective liberal democracy' (Inglehart and Welzel, 2005: 149), where democracy is firmly embedded not only in its institutions but in the values of its citizenry. Evidence from cross-national research confirms that formal democratic institutions, different dimensions of effective democracy, and democratic values are indeed strongly linked (Inglehart and Welzel, 2005: 154, Jaggers and Gurr, 1995: 446). Democracy is more than just a set of institutions, rules and mechanisms: it is a set of core values engrained in the 'lived experience' of its citizens. Core values of democracies are individual autonomy and egalitarianism, tolerance of diversity, and freedom from oppression for both individuals and institutions. Democracies restrain their governments by the rule of law and grant its citizens equal access to and equal treatment by legal institutions. Among these institutions, criminal justice and the treatment of those who violated rules and regulations represent sensitive seismographs for the quality of effective democracies, and the ways how democracies realise their core values.

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This paper steps back from the question of how regulation of digital media content occurs, and whether it can be effective, to consider the rationales that inform regulation, and the ethics and practices associated with content regulation. It will be argued that Max Weber's account of bureaucratic expertise remains relevant to such discussions, particularly insofar as it intersects with Michel Foucault's concept of governmentality, and contemporary applications of the notion of 'governing at a distance'. The nature of the challenges to media regulators presented by online environments, and by digital and social media, are considered in depth, but it is argued that the significance of regulatory innovations that respond to such challenges should not be underestimated, nor should the continuing national foundations of media regulation. It will also discuss the relevance of the concept of 'soft law' to contemporary regulatory practice.

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Aurora kinases are essential for chromosomal segregation and cell division and thereby important for maintaining the proper genomic integrity. There are three classes of aurora kinases in humans: A, B, and C. Aurora kinase A is frequently overexpressed in various cancers. The link of the overexpression and tumorigenesis is yet to be understood. By employing virtual screening, we have found that anacardic acid, a pentadecane aliphatic chain containing hydroxylcarboxylic acid, from cashew nut shell liquid could be docked in Aurora kinases A and B. Remarkably, we found that anacardic acid could potently activate the Aurora kinase A mediated phosphorylation of histone H3, but at a similar concentration the activity of aurora kinase B remained unaffected in vitro. Mechanistically, anacardic acid induces the structural changes and also the autophosphorylation of the aurora kinase A to enhance the enzyme activity. This data thus indicate anacardic acid as the first small-molecule activator of Aurora kinase, which could be highly useful for probing the function of hyperactive (overexpressed) Aurora kinase A.

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La Guerra de la Independencia generó miseria y ruina, aumentando la pobreza material y el descenso del poder adquisitivo de la población. Fruto de este negativo contexto económico los ayuntamientos solamente pudieron destinar una décima parte de su presupuesto a la beneficencia. Los efectos de la contienda bélica contra Napoleón también afectaron a la Iglesia, institución que tradicionalmente mediante diversos organismos eclesiásticos tuvo que atender las enormes carestías sociales que asolaban al pueblo, como por ejemplo, otorgar limosna, atender a los enfermos en los hospitales, acoger a los huérfanos en los hospicios o educar a los más jóvenes. En el caso de Lleida durante el régimen liberal cabe destacar la organización de diversas juntas de caridad, de sanidad y de beneficencia destinadas a socorrer a los más necesitados.