995 resultados para Artisanal mercury mining


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Colombia is one the largest per capita mercury polluters as a consequence of its artisanal gold mining operations, which are steadily increasing following the rising price of this metal. Compared to gravimetric separation methods and cyanidation, the concentration of gold using Hg amalgams presents several advantages: the process is less time-consuming and minimizes gold losses, and Hg is easily transported and inexpensive relative to the selling price of gold. Very often, mercury amalgamation is carried out on site by unprotected workers. During this operation large amounts of mercury are discharged to the environment and eventually reach the fresh water bodies in the vicinity where it is subjected to methylation. Additionally, as gold is released from the amalgam by heating on open charcoal furnaces in small workshops, mercury vapors are emitted and inhaled by the artisanal smelters and the general population

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Colombia is one of the largest per capita mercury polluters in the world as a consequence of its artisanal gold mining activities. The severity of this problem in terms of potential health effects was evaluated by means of a probabilistic risk assessment carried out in the twelve departments (or provinces) in Colombia with the largest gold production. The two exposure pathways included in the risk assessment were inhalation of elemental Hg vapors and ingestion of fish contaminated with methyl mercury. Exposure parameters for the adult population (especially rates of fish consumption) were obtained from nation-wide surveys and concentrations of Hg in air and of methyl-mercury in fish were gathered from previous scientific studies. Fish consumption varied between departments and ranged from 0 to 0.3 kg d?1. Average concentrations of total mercury in fish (70 data) ranged from 0.026 to 3.3 lg g?1. A total of 550 individual measurements of Hg in workshop air (ranging from menor queDL to 1 mg m?3) and 261 measurements of Hg in outdoor air (ranging from menor queDL to 0.652 mg m?3) were used to generate the probability distributions used as concentration terms in the calculation of risk. All but two of the distributions of Hazard Quotients (HQ) associated with ingestion of Hg-contaminated fish for the twelve regions evaluated presented median values higher than the threshold value of 1 and the 95th percentiles ranged from 4 to 90. In the case of exposure to Hg vapors, minimum values of HQ for the general population exceeded 1 in all the towns included in this study, and the HQs for miner-smelters burning the amalgam is two orders of magnitude higher, reaching values of 200 for the 95th percentile. Even acknowledging the conservative assumptions included in the risk assessment and the uncertainties associated with it, its results clearly reveal the exorbitant levels of risk endured not only by miner-smelters but also by the general population of artisanal gold mining communities in Colombia.

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This paper provides an account of the changing livelihood dynamics unfolding in diamond-rich territories of rural Liberia. In these areas, many farm families are using the rice harvested on their plots to attract and feed labourers recruited specifically to mine for diamonds. The monies accrued from the sales of all recovered stones are divided evenly between the family and hired hands, an arrangement which, for thousands of people, has proved to be an effective short-term buffer against poverty. A deepened knowledge of these dynamics could be an important step towards facilitating lasting development in Liberia’s highly-impoverished rural areas.

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Since the implementation of Ghana's national Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP), policies associated with the programme have been criticized for perpetuating poverty within the country's subsistence economy. This article brings new evidence to bear on the contention that the SAP has both fuelled the uncontrolled growth of informal, poverty-driven artisanal gold mining and further marginalized its impoverished participants. Throughout the adjustment period, it has been a central goal of the government to promote the expansion of large-scale gold mining through foreign investment. Confronted with the challenge of resuscitating a deteriorating gold mining industry, the government introduced a number of tax breaks and policies in an effort to create an attractive investment climate for foreign multinational mining companies. The rapid rise in exploration and excavation activities that has since taken place has displaced thousands of previously-undisturbed subsistence artisanal gold miners. This, along with a laissez faire land concession allocation procedure, has exacerbated conflicts between mining parties. Despite legalizing small-scale mining in 1989, the Ghanaian government continues to implement procedurally complex and bureaucratically unwieldy regulations and policies for artisanal operators which have the effect of favouring the interests of established large-scale miners.

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This paper contributes to the debate on child labor in small-scale mining communities, focusing specifically on the situation in sub-Saharan Africa. It argues that the child labor now widespread in many of the region’s small-scale mining communities is a product of a combination of cultural issues, household-level poverty and rural livelihood diversification. Experiences from Komana West, a subsistence gold panning area in Southern Mali, are drawn upon to make this case. The findings suggest that the sector’s child labor “problem” is far more nuanced than international organizations and policymakers have diagnosed.

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This article discusses the character of mineral resource governance at the margins of the state in Tanzania and the way artisanal gold miners are incorporated into mineral sector transformation. The landscape of mineral resource exploitation has changed dramatically over the past 20 years: processes of economic liberalisation have heralded massive foreign investment in large-scale gold mining, while also stimulating artisanal activities. Against this background, the article shows how artisanal gold miners are affected by contradictory processes: some have become integrated with state institutions and legal processes, while others, the large majority, are either further excluded or incorporated in ways that exacerbate insecurity and exploitation, underpinned by socio-economic inequalities. These processes are compounded by the actions of large-scale and medium-scale gold mining companies and by poor local governance. It is open to debate whether this will bring improved integration and welfare for artisanal mining communities or new forms of exclusion, although evidence suggests the latter.

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贵州省是我国最重要的汞工业基地,境内分布着大量的汞矿床,汞金属储量88000 t,占全国总储量近80%。汞矿开采、冶炼历史悠久,大规模的汞矿开采冶炼活动都已经停止。但是,由于汞矿区偏僻的自然地理位置、落后的经济水平和近期金属汞价格的攀升,这些地区仍然存在着较大规模的土法炼汞活动。大面积的土法炼汞活动和长期的大规模汞矿开采冶炼活动,给矿区生态环境造成了严重的汞污染。土法炼汞工艺十分落后,冶炼过程向周围大气释放大量的汞,而土法炼汞工人也必然会遭受严重的汞蒸气暴露。释放到大气的汞在进入周围环境后,在自然条件下通过微生物活动,会转化为毒性、生物有效性更强的甲基汞,并通过食物链富集放大,最终对矿区居民的身体健康构成一定的威胁。 本文选择贵州省务川汞矿区、万山汞矿区和铜仁垢溪、老屋场土法炼汞地区,进行了土法炼汞的汞释放量估算、汞矿地区环境汞污染调查及炼汞工人和矿区居民汞暴露调查和健康风险评价,系统阐述了贵州典型土法炼汞地区汞的生物地球化学循环特征及人体汞暴露评价。 1. 务川和铜仁垢溪地区的土法炼汞活动是当地大气的最主要人为释汞源。务川汞矿区土法炼汞的平均释汞因子为18.2%(6.9-32.1%),土法炼汞活动每年向大气排汞3.7-9.6 t;铜仁垢溪地区土法炼汞的平均释汞因子为9.8%(6.6-14.5%),土法炼汞活动每年向大气排汞1.3-2.7 t。 2. 务川汞矿区大面积的土法炼汞活动和长期大规模的汞矿活动以及垢溪、老屋场地区的土法炼汞活动,给当地的大气、地表水体和土壤造成了严重的汞污染,而汞污染程度受汞矿开采冶炼活动的历史和规模的影响显著。务川汞矿区大气汞浓度空间变化很大(7-40000 ng•m-3),受矿业活动影响的区域,大气汞含量明显升高;重污染区大气汞平均浓度为15000 ng•m-3,轻污染区为120 ng•m-3,对照区为24 ng•m-3。务川矿区地表水体的总汞含量的变化范围为43-2100 ng•L-1,总甲基汞含量变化范围为0.30-1.1 ng•L-1;垢溪、老屋场地区地表水体总汞含量的变化范围为92-2300 ng•L-1,总甲基汞含量变化范围为2.6-7.9 ng•L-1,地表水体显示了极强的甲基化能力。颗粒态汞占地表水体总汞含量的绝大部分比例,是矿区地表水体汞迁移的主要方式;而甲基汞则以溶解态为主。务川汞矿区土壤总汞含量的变化范围为1.3-360 mg•kg-1,垢溪、老屋场地区土壤总汞含量的变化范围为0.18-47.5 mg•kg-1,土壤剖面表层土壤汞的富集表明大气汞的沉降是土壤汞的重要来源,而土壤pH、有机质含量和土地利用类型影响着土壤中汞的迁移和富集。 3. 务川汞矿区土法炼汞工人尿汞含量的平均值高达1060 g•g-1 Cr,铜仁垢溪地区炼汞工人尿汞含量的平均值为347 g•g-1 Cr,铜仁老屋场地区炼汞工人尿汞含量的平均值为917 g•g-1 Cr,土法炼汞工人尿汞平均含量远远超过世界卫生组织规定的职业暴露人群的最大允许值-50 g•g-1 Cr,说明土法炼汞工人遭受严重的汞蒸气暴露。部分土法炼汞工人已经表现出轻度慢性汞中毒的症状,其肾脏已经遭受到一定程度的损伤。铜仁垢溪地区一般居民尿汞的平均值为40.0 g•g-1 Cr,铜仁老屋场地区一般居民尿汞含量的平均值为66.2 g•g-1 Cr,万山汞矿区大水溪居民尿汞含量的平均值为56.9 g•g-1 Cr,说明土法炼汞地区一般居民也遭受一定的汞蒸气暴露。对照区人群尿汞含量的平均值为1.30 g•g-1 Cr,万山下场溪村居民尿汞含量的平均值为2.5 g•g-1 Cr,其尿汞水平与对照组接近。 4. 食用大米是汞矿区居民甲基汞暴露的主要途径。万山汞矿区大水溪、下场溪和报溪3个村庄居民头发总汞含量的几何平均值分别为7.3、1.9和2.3 g•g-1,而头发甲基汞的平均含量分别为2.8、1.3和1.5 g•g-1,说明万山汞矿区居民存在一定程度的汞暴露。3个村庄居民食用大米总汞的平均含量分别为58.5、21.3和33.1 ng•g-1,大米甲基汞的平均含量分别为14.6、5.7和4.0 ng•g-1。居民食用的蔬菜、猪肉和饮水也表现出很高的总汞含量,但是甲基汞含量很低。3个村庄居民食用大米的摄入量占总甲基汞摄入量的平均比例分别为97.5%、94.1%和93.5%,且不同参与者每日通过食用大米的甲基汞摄入量和对应的头发甲基汞含量之间存在显著的相关关系 (r=0.65, p<0.01),这证实了居民头发甲基汞的来源确实是食用大米,食用大米是汞矿区居民甲基汞暴露的主要途径。 5. 铜仁垢溪、老屋场地区炼汞工人头发甲基汞的平均含量分别为5.05 g•g-1(2.35-10.6 g•g-1)和5.63 g•g-1(2.54-9.55 g•g-1),而一般居民头发甲基汞的平均含量分别为3.53 g•g-1(1.87-5.65 g•g-1)和4.01 g•g-1(2.29-9.23 g•g-1)。万山汞矿区大水溪、下场溪和报溪3个村庄居民头发甲基汞的平均含量分别为2.8、1.3和1.5 g•g-1。务川汞矿区土法炼汞工人和居民的头发甲基汞含量的变化范围为0.47-5.69 μg•g-1。对照组头发甲基汞的平均含量为0.65 g•g-1,变化范围为0.26¬-1.38 g•g-1。食用大米甲基汞摄入量的估算表明,铜仁垢溪和老屋场地区部分居民的甲基汞摄入量已经超过世界卫生组织2003年制定的标准-0.23 g•d-1•kg-1,汞矿区大部分人群的甲基汞摄入量超过了美国环保局的推荐值-0.1 g•d-1•kg-1 (USEPA, 1997),而对照区居民的甲基汞摄入量均没有超过这一推荐值,表明铜仁垢溪和老屋场地区居民存在一定的甲基汞暴露风险,而其他汞矿区人群也存在通过食用大米暴露甲基汞的潜在风险。