The anti-apartheid movement in Japan : an overview

Anti-apartheid movements outside South Africa have been recently becoming a popular research topic as an indispensable part of the history of the liberation struggle against apartheid, as well as from the “global civil society” point of view, i.e. anti-apartheid movements as one of the earliest examples of transnational social movements with the aim of realization of global justice. The Japanese movement, however, has attracted little attention so far, despite its history of nearly half century. The Japanese movement’s characteristic foci and style, reflecting the unique position of Japan as a non-white nation with strong trade relations with white-dominated South Africa, certainly deserves detailed study. This paper is an attempt to fill the gap by outlining the history of the anti-apartheid movement in Japan.

The framing discourses of 'Honorary white' in the anti-apartheid movement in Japan

International and transnational solidarity is being increasingly recognized as an indispensable part in the recent historiography on the liberation struggle in Southern Africa. Yet the literature has mostly focused on anti-apartheid movements in the West, and anti-apartheid movements in Asia have attracted little attention. Focusing on the Japanese citizens' movement (shimin undo) against apartheid, which loosely coalesced into the Japan Anti-Apartheid Committee (JAAC), this paper looks into how the issue of 'honorary white' was brought into the early period of the anti-apartheid movement in Japan, and how the framing discourses of the movement was developed around the issue.

Perspective Transformation Theory and the Donald Woods Experience: From Racist to Anti-Apartheid Activist

This paper chronicles White South African journalist Donald Woods’ life (1933-2001) as he transformed from holding racist beliefs that Blacks were “people who were there to be your servants,” to becoming one of his country’s leading anti-apartheid activists. Adult learning and development via perspective transformation theory are explored.

The African National Congress and its Critics: 'Predatory Liberalism', Black Empowerment and Intra-Alliance Tensions in Post-Apartheid South Africa

Post-apartheid South Africa is characterized by centralized, neo-liberal policymaking that perpetuates, and in some cases exaggerates, socio-economic inequalities inherited from the apartheid era. The African National Congress (ANC) leadership’s alignment with powerful international and domestic market actors produces tensions within the Tripartite Alliance and between government and civil society. Consequently, several characteristics of ‘predatory liberalism’ are evident in contemporary South Africa: neo-liberal restructuring of the economy is combined with an increasing willingness by government to assert its authority, to marginalize and delegitimize those critical of its abandonment of inclusive governance. A new form of oligarch power, combining entrenched economic interests with those of a new ‘black bourgeoisie’ promoted by narrowly implemented Black Economic Empowerment policies, diminishes prospects for broad-based socio-economic transformation. Because the new policy environment is failing to resolve tensions between global market demands for increasing market liberalization and domestic popular demands for poverty-alleviation and socio-economic transformation, the ANC leadership is forced increasingly to confront ‘ultra-leftists’ who are challenging its credentials as defender of the National Democratic Revolution which was the cornerstone in the anti-apartheid struggle.

Apartheid, la moderna esclavitud : programa educativo

Material did??ctico dirigido a alumnos y profesores de Ense??anzas Medias, que intenta acercar a los j??venes al fen??meno africano del apartheid. Contiene tres unidades did??cticas con objetivos, desarrollo y metodolog??a, destinadas a la comprensi??n y sensibilizaci??n del alumnado ante esos problemas..

Apartheid : la moderna esclavitud : origen y consolidaci??n del apartheid, el apartheid hoy, sanciones por una Surafrica libre

Fecha finalizaci??n tomada del C??digo del Documento

White football in South Africa: empire, apartheid and change, 1892-1977

This essay traces the development, domination and decline of white football in South Africa. It suggests that white football was more significant and popular than generally acknowledged and was at the forefront of globalizing football in the early twentieth century. In order to better understand the broader history of twentieth-century South African football, a more detailed examination of the organized white game at the national and international levels is necessary. This historical analysis of elite white football draws from the archives of the Football Association of South Africa. The analysis underscores the important role of white football authorities in the contestation of power and identity in the game in South Africa and abroad. In the first period under consideration (1892-1940s), local football authorities challenged the dominant sports within South Africa. This period was followed in the 1950s by the challenges of professionalism and anti-apartheid organizations. In the final phase (1967-77), officials experimented with football on 'multi-national' and multi-racial lines - a failed reform that led to the demise of white football.

Professional football in apartheid South Africa:leisure, consumption and identity in the national football league, 1959-1977

A growing body of academic and popular literature considers the history of South African football. These and existing publications pay little or no attention to the emergence of white professional football in apartheid South Africa. The National Football League (NFL) challenged the amateur game and introduced professional football to the country. During its 17-year existence, the NFL grew each season with large attendances until its demise in 1977. In addition, the NFL imported a range of international players, invited foreign teams and actively engaged in the political debates in South African sport at the time. The NFL was instrumental in popularising the game across the country for all South Africans. The NFL became the most popular sports entertainment of choice for South Africans during this period. Finally, the NFL actively engaged in a campaign of destroying rival non-racial anti-apartheid leagues while simultaneously co-opting less progressive organisations. © 2013 Taylor and Francis.

Masculinities and Narrating the Past: Experiences of Researching White men who Refused to Serve in the Apartheid Army

This article reflexively analyses the construction of identity and the representation of the past in qualitative interviews with white men who refused to serve in the apartheid-era South African Defence Force (SADF). The contribution that white male objectors made to the anti-apartheid struggle occupies an ambivalent and increasingly forgotten aspect of South African liberation history. In a reflexive research story, I argue that the gendered, sexual and raced subjectivities of the researcher and researched are central to the joint construction of meaning in the interview and in the creation of self-narratives. The article also analyses how the narratives of white men's involvement in resisting apartheid are defined by their perceived position and wider power struggles in contemporary South Africa.

Insurrecciones no armadas : movimientos de poder popular en regímenes autoritarios

En las dos últimas décadas del siglo XX, una oleada de movimientos de “poder popular” estalló en países no democráticos. Kurt Schock compara los éxitos del movimiento Anti-Apartheid en Sudáfrica, el movimiento de Poder Popular en Filipinas, el movimiento Prodemocracia en Nepal, y el Movimiento Antimilitarista en Tailandia, con los fracasos de los movimientos de prodemocracia en China y el desafío contra el régimen en Burma. Al examinar cómo esos métodos de protesta promovieron cambios del régimen en algunos países, pero no en otros, este libro proporciona un singular discernimiento en un campo que ha sido examinado con superficialidad y que es poco entendido, este es el del poder de la acción no-violenta.

Struggles for Citizenship in South Africa

South Africa’s first democratic constitution of 1996, which defines the content and scope of citizenship, emerged out of what the country’s Constitutional Court accurately described as ‘a deeply divided society characterized by strife, conflict, untold suffering and injustice which generated gross violations of human rights, the transgression of humanitarian principles in violent conflicts and a legacy of hatred, fear, guilt and revenge’ (cited in Jagwanth, 2003: 7). The constitution was internationally noteworthy for its expressed protection of women’s and sexual minority rights and its extension of rights of citizenship to socio-economic rights, such as rights of adequate healthcare, housing and education (SAGI, 1996). During South Africa’s first two decades of democracy, the Constitutional Court has proven its independence by advancing citizenship rights on a number of occasions (O’Regan, 2012). The struggle for citizenship was at the heart of the liberation struggle against the apartheid regime and within the complex dynamics of the anti-apartheid movement, increasingly sophisticated and intersectional demands for citizenship were made. South Africa’s constitutional rights for citizenship are not always matched in practice. The country’s high rates of sexual violence, ongoing poverty and inequality and public attitudes towards the rights of sexual minorities and immigrants lag well behind the spirit and letter of the constitution. Nevertheless, the achievement of formal citizenship rights in South Africa was the result of a prolonged and complex liberation struggle and analysis of South Africa demonstrates Werbner’s claim that ‘struggles over citizenship are thus struggles over the very meaning of politics and membership in a community’ (1999: 221). This chapter will begin with a contextual and historical overview before moving onto analyzing the development of non-racialism as a basis for citizenship, non-sexism and gendered citizenship, contestations of white, militarized citizenship and the achievement of sexual citizenship by the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender (LGBT) rights movement. As shall be made clear, all these citizenship demands emerged during the decades of the country’s liberation struggle.

Casting a voice for rural struggles during apartheid : the case of AFRA

This paper explores the attempts to co-ordinate rural resistance and struggles in South Africa during apartheid through a case study of the Association for Rural Advancement (AFRA), a land NGO established in Natal in 1979. It was a small group but had a significant local and national impact. The paper addresses three key questions concerning the character and works of AFRA: (1) What was the character and strategy of AFRA in the politicised context of the late 1970s and 1980s? (2) Was there any historical continuity and discontinuity with early attempts by Natal liberals and African landowners to organise anti-removal campaigns in the 1950s? (3) How and to what extent could AFRA negotiate the increasing influence of the Inkatha and KwaZulu government over Natal rural communities? The paper aims to serve as a critical evaluation of AFRA's strategies and activities, and its relationship with rural communities up to 1990 when land movements became nationwide.

‘Every Coward’s Choice’? Political Objection to Military Service in Apartheid South Africa as Sexual Citizenship

Sexuality was articulated by the apartheid state as a means of disciplining the white population and marginalizing white opponents of apartheid. As such, homophobia was a recurrent feature of political and legal discourse. The End Conscription Campaign (ECC) opposed compulsory conscription for all white men in the apartheid era South African Defence Force (SADF). Its challenge was a potentially radical and profoundly destabilizing one and it articulated a competing definition of citizenship to that offered by the state. The pro‐ and anti‐conscription discourse was inherently gendered and overtly sexualized. The South African government regularly associated men who objected to military service with effeminacy, cowardice and sexual ‘deviance’. The case of Dr Ivan Toms' objection, a gay objector who wished to cite his sexuality as a primary motivation for his objection, reveals the unwillingness of the ECC to engage in sexual politics. Using Shane Phelan's and Zygmunt Bauman's concept of friends, enemies and strangers, this paper investigates the construction of both white gay men and white people who opposed apartheid as ‘strangers’ and suggests that the deployment of homophobia by the state was a stigmatizing discourse aimed at purging the ECC's political message from the public realm. In this context the ECC adopted an assimilatory discursive strategy, whereby they attempted to be ‘respectable whites’, negotiating over shared republican territory. This populist strategy, arguably safer in the short term, avoided issues of sexuality and the fundamental conflation of sexuality and citizenship in apartheid South Africa. The ECC thus circumscribed its radical and deconstructive political potential and did not offer a ‘radical democratic’ message in opposition to apartheid.

Anti-metabolic effects of Galanthus nivalis agglutinin and wheat germ agglutinin on nymphal stages of the common brown leafhopper using a novel artificial diet system

The common brown leafhopper, Orosius orientalis (Matsumura) (Homoptera: Cicadellidae), previously described as Orosius argentatus (Evans), is an important vector of several viruses and phytoplasmas worldwide. In Australia, phytoplasmas vectored by O. orientalis cause a range of economically important diseases, including legume little leaf (Hutton & Grylls, 1956), tomato big bud (Osmelak, 1986), lucerne witches broom (Helson, 1951), potato purple top wilt (Harding & Teakle, 1985), and Australian lucerne yellows (Pilkington et al., 2004). Orosius orientalis also transmits Tobacco yellow dwarf virus (TYDV; genus Mastrevirus, family Geminiviridae) to beans, causing bean summer death disease (Ballantyne, 1968), and to tobacco, causing tobacco yellow dwarf disease (Hill, 1937, 1941). TYDV has only been recorded in Australia to date. Both diseases result in significant production and quality losses (Ballantyne, 1968; Thomas, 1979; Moran & Rodoni, 1999). Although direct damage caused by leafhopper feeding has been observed, it is relatively minor compared to the losses resulting from disease (P Tr E bicki, unpubl.).