Participatory modeling for sustainable development in water and agrarian systems: potential and limits of stakeholder involvement

Public participation is increasingly advocated as a necessary feature of natural resources management. The EU Water Framework Directive (WFD) is such an example, as it prescribes participatory processes as necessary features in basin management plans (EC 2000). The rationale behind this mandate is that involving interest groups ideally yields higher-quality decisions, which are arguably more likely to meet public acceptance (Pahl-Wostl, 2006). Furthermore, failing to involve stakeholders in policy-making might hamper the implementation of management initiatives, as controversial decisions can lead pressure lobbies to generate public opposition (Giordano et al. 2005, Mouratiadou and Moran 2007).

Vers une transition forestière en Thaïlande? : analyse causale de l’avancée des forêts à partir du cas de Phetchabun

Selon des thèses développées au cours des années 1990 et 2000, le développement économique constitue à la fois la source et la solution aux problèmes environnementaux. Au sujet des forêts, les transitions forestières (c’est-à-dire le passage de la déforestation à la reforestation) documentées dans certains pays développés seraient causées par des dynamiques universelles intrinsèques au développement et à la modernisation des sociétés. Nos travaux ont porté sur l’application de cette vision optimiste et controversée à l’évolution des superficies forestières en Thaïlande. S’appuyant sur une recension de la littérature, sur des données secondaires ainsi que nos travaux de terrain dans la région de Phetchabun, la thèse offre les apports suivants. Elle démontre que contrairement à l’idée répandue en Thaïlande, le ralentissement de la déforestation a été suivi par une expansion forestière substantielle entre environ 1995 et 2005. Ce regain forestier est lié à la disparition presque complète de l’expansion agricole, à l’établissement de plantations sylvicoles et, surtout, à l’abandon de terres agricoles. Cet abandon agricole découle d’abord et avant tout de la faible et incertaine rentabilité de l’agriculture dans certaines zones non irriguées. Ce phénomène s’explique, entre autres, par la dégradation des sols et par l’incapacité des agriculteurs à contrer l’impact des transformations économiques internes et externes à la Thaïlande. L’accroissement de la pression de conservation n’a pu contribuer à l’expansion forestière que dans certains contextes (projets de reforestation majeurs appuyés par l’armée, communautés divisées, terres déjà abandonnées). Sans en être une cause directe, l’intensification agricole et la croissance des secteurs non agricoles ont rendu moins pénibles la confiscation et l’abandon des terres et ont permis que de tels phénomènes surviennent sans entraîner d’importants troubles sociaux. Dans un contexte d’accroissement des prix agricoles, notamment celui du caoutchouc naturel, une partie du regain forestier aurait été perdu depuis 2005 en raison d’une ré-expansion des surfaces agricoles. Cela illustre le caractère non permanent de la transition forestière et la faiblesse des mesures de conservation lorsque les perspectives de profit sont grandes. La thèse montre que, pour être robuste, une théorie de la transition forestière doit être contingente et reconnaître que les variables macro-sociales fréquemment invoquées pour expliquer les transitions forestières (ex. : démocratisation, intensification agricole, croissance économique) peuvent aussi leur nuire. Une telle théorie doit également prendre en compte des éléments d’explication non strictement économiques et souvent négligés (menaces à la sécurité nationale, épuisement des terres perçues comme arables et libres, degré d’attachement aux terres et capacité d’adaptation et résilience des systèmes agricoles). Finalement, les écrits sur la transition forestière doivent reconnaître qu’elle a généralement impliqué des impacts sociaux et même environnementaux négatifs. Une lecture de la transition forestière plus nuancée et moins marquée par l’obsession de la seule reforestation est seule garante d’une saine gestion de l’environnement en respect avec les droits humains, la justice sociale et le développement durable.

Tipologia do sistema de manejo de açaizais nativos praticado pelos ribeirinhos em Belém, estado do Pará

O açaizeiro (Euterpe oleracea Mart.) é um dos principais componentes da renda e do consumo de ribeirinhos do Município de Belém, Estado do Pará, que manejam o açaizal para a produção de frutos, tendo o palmito como subproduto. O objetivo deste trabalho foi o de identificar e caracterizar os diferentes tipos de manejo de açaizais nativos, praticados por estes ribeirinhos. A pesquisa foi realizada na Ilha de Paquetá e Ilha Grande, Município de Belém, onde foram analisados os diferentes tipos de manejo e as diferentes estratégias dos ribeirinhos, com vistas a contribuir com a implantação de propostas de manejo de açaizais nativos. Os estudos foram baseados na metodologia de diagnóstico de sistemas agrários, nos quais foram entrevistadas 22 famílias da Ilha Grande e 31 famílias de Paquetá, com auxílio de questionários elaborados com perguntas abertas e fechadas, abordando a família, a habitação, o patrimônio, a situação fundiária, a renda, o manejo de açaizal e a comercialização. Os resultados mostraram que o sistema de manejo de açaizal nativo passou por três fases: o extrativismo de coleta de açaí fruto destinado basicamente para o consumo; a extração de palmito para a comercialização e o açaí fruto basicamente para o consumo e o sistema atual de manejo, orientado para a produção de açaí fruto para a comercialização e consumo, atribuindo ao palmito um complemento da renda. Verificou-se que os ribeirinhos realizam, de acordo com suas estratégias, três tipos de manejo de açaizais: o intensivo, o moderado e o sem manejo. O manejo intensivo é aquele que está intensificando o uso da mão-de-obra no açaizal, vive basicamente do açaí fruto e obteve a melhor produtividade de frutos. O manejo moderado aplica menos mão-de-obra no açaizal e completa sua renda com outras fontes. O sem manejo faz apenas a colheita do açaí fruto e vive de atividade extralote.

Indicadores de prioridade para políticas públicas dirigidas ao desenvolvimento sustentável na Amazônia: uma construção orientada a sistemas de produção do Nordeste paraense

Este trabalho traz elementos para avaliar a esperança de sustentabilidade de sistemas de produção rural presentes na Amazônia. Faz uma caracterização desses sistemas e seus fundamentos produtivos e reprodutivos na mesorregião Nordeste Paraense, a mais densamente povoada do Estado do Pará, e constrói indicadores que incorporam, além de variáveis econômicas, variáveis que enunciam esperança de maior eficiênciaecológica. Pretende contribuir com novas perspectivas para as discussões sobre desenvolvimento e oferecer instrumentos para orientar as instituições que decidem por critérios de sustentabilidade.

The contribution of multiple use forest management to small farmers' annual incomes in the Eastern Amazon

Small-scale farmers in the Brazilian Amazon collectively hold tenure over more than 12 million ha of permanent forest reserves, as required by the Forest Code. The trade-off between forest conservation and other land uses entails opportunity costs for them and for the country, which have not been sufficiently studied. We assessed the potential income generated by multiple use forest management for farmers and compared it to the income potentially derived from six other agricultural land uses. Income from the forest was from (i) logging, carried out by a logging company in partnership with farmers' associations; and (ii) harvesting the seeds of Carapa guianensis (local name andiroba) for the production of oil. We then compared the income generated by multiple-use forest management with the income from different types of agrarian systems. According to our calculations in this study, the mean annual economic benefits from multiple forest use are the same as the least productive agrarian system, but only 25% of the annual income generated by the most productive system. Although the income generated by logging may be considered low when calculated on an annual basis and compared to incomes generated by agriculture, the one-time payment after logging is significant (US$5,800 to US$33,508) and could be used to implement more intensive and productive cropping systems such as planting black pepper. The income from forest management could also be used to establish permanent fields in deforested areas for highly productive annual crops using conservation agriculture techniques. These techniques are alternatives to the traditional land use based on periodic clearing of the forest. Nevertheless, the shift in current practices towards adoption of more sustainable conservation agriculture techniques will also require the technical and legal support of the State to help small farmers apply these alternatives, which aim to integrate forest management in sustainable agricultural production systems.

Análise dos sistemas de produção dos estabelecimentos rurais do município de Palmital/SP em busca de estratégias para o desenvolvimento rural

Pós-graduação em Agronegócio e Desenvolvimento - Tupã

Impacts of Technology Adoption: Comparing Returns to the Farming Sector in Maine under Alternative Technology Regimes

This thesis tests if certain technology choices are associated with a reduction in the proportion of farming activities in the agro-food system in Maine. Goodman, Sorj, and Wilkinson define appropriationism as the replacement of farming sector activities by industrial inputs. Based on the concept of appropriationism, industrial fanning systems using large amounts of synthetic inputs contribute less to fanning than more agrarian systems, like organic fanning. Thus, returns to the farming sector should be greater for organic compared with conventional potato fanning in Maine since organic farming uses fewer industrial inputs. Goodman et. al. define substitutionism as the displacement of farming sector commodities and activities by industrial processes in the marketing sector. Based on the concept of substitutionism, returns to the farming sector should be greater for Lay's Classic®™ potato chips made from natural potatoes compared with Baked Lay's®™ potato crisps manufactured from processed dehydrated potatoes. Returns to the farming sector are defined as returns to the farmer or farm family from farming activities, returns to farm labor, and returns to farmers and farm labor producing inputs used on the farm. Results show absolute returns to the farming sector are less for organic compared to conventional tablestock potato farms in Maine. However as a proportion of farm revenues, large organic farms that market at least 25% of their produce to retail stores or directly to consumers do as well as conventional farms. When comparing returns as a proportion of consumer expenditures, these organic farms do better than conventional farms. Returns to the farming sector are less for organic because of yield penalties, cost of marketing services, and diseconomies of size for organic tablestock potato farms. Expanding acreage and reintegrating livestock with cropping systems may increase returns to the fanning sector. Organic farming demonstrates difficulties in providing marketing services at the farm level. Providing marketing services limits the ability to expand production to capture economies of size. Maine organic potato farmers emphasize non-monetary values such as supporting sustainable agriculture, self-sufficiency, the intrinsic value of work, and close community and family connections. Returns to the farming sector as a proportion of consumer expenditures are about three times greater for Lay's Classic®™ potato chips than for Baked Lay's®™ potato crisps, since the value that farmers receive for potatoes used to produce dehydrated potato flakes in one pound of crisps is about half of the value that farmers receive for potatoes used to make one pound of chips. However, this assumes farmers assign a cost to producing low-grade potatoes for dehydration proportionate to their value. Premium potatoes are used to produce potato chips. Low-grade potatoes are used to produce the dehydrated potato flakes used to make potato crisps. Returns to the farming sector are slightly greater for potato crisps if no costs are allocated to producing low-grade potatoes for dehydration. A shift in consumer preferences from potato chips to crisps may result in a geographical shift of potato production from Maine to the Pacific Northwest assuming no food-grade dehydration facilities are built in Maine.

El Parque Agrario: estructura de preservación de los espacios agrarios en entornos urbanos en un contexto de cambio global

La propuesta del análisis de la figura de Parque Agrario en el ámbito español surge ante la constatación de que un nuevo paradigma está aconteciendo a escala estatal. Diversos focos se encuentran trabajando en paralelo, y de forma participada, en pos de la reformulación de las políticas públicas relacionadas con la agricultura periurbana. Estos focos ven en la figura de Parque Agrario un instrumento territorial que permite mejorar la sostenibilidad y cohesión territorial a través de la defensa de la gobernanza alimentaria local, sin olvidar la necesidad de conservación de los recursos naturales y el patrimonio paisajístico, junto a la prestación de múltiples servicios de los ecosistemas de estos ámbitos a la ciudadanía. Complementariamente, se empieza a vislumbrar el papel que esta figura puede desempeñar como herramienta de desarrollo territorial de los sistemas agrarios periurbanos, clave ante los efectos de carácter local que la globalización ejerce en estos territorios. La figura de Parque Agrario es una estructura que actúa bloqueando la base territorial, favoreciendo el desarrollo de la actividad agraria. Su mayor potencial es el de convertir el factor “proximidad urbana” de una amenaza a una oportunidad de desarrollo local endógeno que permita la continuidad de la agricultura, de los agricultores y del espacio agrario. La peculiaridad del Parque Agrario es que no es una figura al uso, estructurada y reglada por una legislación, sino que se trata de una iniciativa ad hoc, específica para cada caso, orientada a cumplir determinados objetivos de dinamización agraria, protección urbanística y valorización territorial. A pesar de la existencia de diversas definiciones y aportaciones sobre diferentes aspectos de la figura, no existe un análisis complejo de la misma en todas sus dimensiones, ni una tentativa de descripción de un modelo global y unitario del caso español y de sus potenciales resultados. Tampoco se han analizado en profundidad sus “invariantes” que se muestran como los elementos estructurantes del proyecto, capaces desarrollarse de forma diversa, de alcanzar diferentes niveles de complejidad, y de materializarse en función a las posibilidades que permita el marco normativo y legal. Por tanto, se plantea como objetivo principal de la tesis la definición de un modelo conceptual de Parque Agrario español, capaz de ser articulado e institucionalizado mediante un proceso de gobernanza, y que, como condición sine qua non sea duradero en el tiempo. Para poder llegar a describir un modelo colectivo se realiza, en primer lugar, un análisis genealógico que permita analizar sistemáticamente las propuestas desarrolladas en el ámbito español y los casos para establecer la existencia de una continuidad en la idea de Parque Agrario en las propuestas desarrolladas durante los últimos 25 años—sus invariantes—, y analice todos aquellos elementos que han ido enriqueciendo la figura en cada experiencia —sus variantes. Este análisis, además, ofrece como aportaciones el árbol genealógico y los mapas de dispersión de la figura y el primer catálogo de propuestas de Parque Agrario materializadas en proyecto. El resultado de la inducción de los datos obtenidos en el análisis genealógico es el modelo conceptual de Parque Agrario, que se define como una estructura orgánica de planificación-gestión-gobierno del territorio capaz de adaptarse a las necesidades específicas de todo sistema agrario periurbano que requiera la articulación-institucionalización de esta figura en él. Una vez descrito el modelo, se contrasta su fiabilidad mediante su aplicación como metodología de caracterización y evaluación de dos estudios de casos: uno exitoso, el Parque Agrario del Baix Llobregat, y uno frustrado, la propuesta de Parque Agrario de la Vega de Granada. ------------------------------------------------------ ABSTRACT -------------------------------------------------------------------- The proposed analysis of the figure of Agrarian Park in the Spanish sphere arises from the awareness that a new paradigm is happening at the state level. Different focuses are working in parallel, under participated programs, after the reformulation of public policies related to urban agriculture. These areas understand the figure of Agrarian Park as a territorial instrument for improving sustainability and territorial cohesion through the defense of local food governance, considering the need for conservation of natural resources and landscape heritage together with the multiple ecosystem services provided by these areas to the public. Additionally, the role that this figure can play as a tool for territorial development of peri-urban agrarian systems, which are key to the local effects that globalization has on these territories, is staring to be envisioned. The figure of Agrarian Park is a structure that works by blocking the territorial base to encourage the development of agrarian activity. Its greatest potential is to convert the threat of "urban proximity" into an opportunity for an endogenous local development that allows the persistence of agriculture, farmers and the agrarian space. The uniqueness of the Agrarian Park is that it is not a standard figure, structured and regulated by legislation, but rather an ad hoc initiative, specific to each case, designed to meet certain objectives of agrarian revitalization, urban protection and territorial enhance. Despite the existence of several definitions and contributions on different aspects of the figure, there is a lack of a complex analysis of it in all its dimensions, missing any attempt to describe a global and unitary model of the Spanish case and its potential outcomes. Its "invariants” have neither been evaluated in depth, shown as the structural elements of the project able to be developed in different ways, to achieve numerous levels of complexity, and to be materialized according to the possibilities allowed by the regulatory and legal framework. Therefore, the definition of a conceptual model of Spanish Agrarian Park able to be articulated and institutionalized through a process of governance, and durable over time as a sine qua non requisite, it is proposed as the main aim of the thesis. To get to describe a collective model, a genealogical analysis that systematically analyzes the proposals and cases developed in the Spanish field is undertaken to verify the existence of a continuity of the idea of Agrarian Park on the proposals developed during the past 25 years -invariants-, and evaluate all the elements that have enriched this figure in each experience - variants. This analysis also provides as inputs a family tree, maps of dispersion of the figure and the first catalog of Agrarian Park proposals materialized into projects. The result of inducting the data obtained in the genealogical analysis is the Conceptual Model of Agrarian Park, defined as an organic planning-management-government structure of the territory able to adapt to the specific needs of all peri-urban agrarian systems that require the articulation-institutionalization of this figure in it. Having described the model, its reliability is tested by applying it as a methodology for characterization and evaluation of two case studies, one successful, the Baix Llobregat Agrarian Park, and one frustrated, the proposed Agrarian Park de la Vega of Granada.

Governing the local networks in Indian agrarian societies-an MAS perspective

In a networked society, governing advocacy groups and networks through decentralized systems of policy implementation has been the interest of governance network literature. This paper addresses the topic of governing networks in the context of Indian agrarian societies by taking the case example of a welfare scheme for the Indian rural poor. We explore context-specific regulatory dynamics through the situated agent based architectural framework. The effects of various regulatory strategies that can be adopted by governing node are tested under various action arenas through experimental design. Results show the impact of regulatory strategies on the resource dependencies and asymmetries in the network relationships. This indicates that the optimal feasible regulatory strategy in networked society is institutionally rational and is context dependent. Further, we show that situated MAS architecture is a natural fit for institutional understanding of the dynamics (Ostrom et al. in Rules, games, and common-pool resources, 1994).

On the zeros of the Abelian integrals for a class of Liénard systems

A planar polynomial differential system has a finite number of limit cycles. However, finding the upper bound of the number of limit cycles is an open problem for the general nonlinear dynamical systems. In this paper, we investigated a class of Liénard systems of the form x'=y, y'=f(x)+y g(x) with deg f=5 and deg g=4. We proved that the related elliptic integrals of the Liénard systems have at most three zeros including multiple zeros, which implies that the number of limit cycles bifurcated from the periodic orbits of the unperturbed system is less than or equal to 3.