966 resultados para Agrarian reform


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J.A. Ferreira Neto, E.C. Santos Junior, U. Fra Paleo, D. Miranda Barros, and M.C.O. Moreira. 2011. Optimal subdivision of land in agrarian reform projects: an analysis using genetic algorithms. Cien. Inv. Agr. 38(2): 169-178. The objective of this manuscript is to develop a new procedure to achieve optimal land subdivision using genetic algorithms (GA). The genetic algorithm was tested in the rural settlement of Veredas, located in Minas Gerais, Brazil. This implementation was based on the land aptitude and its productivity index. The sequence of tests in the study was carried out in two areas with eight different agricultural aptitude classes, including one area of 391.88 ha subdivided into 12 lots and another of 404.1763 ha subdivided into 14 lots. The effectiveness of the method was measured using the shunting line standard value of a parceled area lot`s productivity index. To evaluate each parameter, a sequence of 15 calculations was performed to record the best individual fitness average (MMI) found for each parameter variation. The best parameter combination found in testing and used to generate the new parceling with the GA was the following: 320 as the generation number, a population of 40 individuals, 0.8 mutation tax, and a 0.3 renewal tax. The solution generated rather homogeneous lots in terms of productive capacity.

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Agrarian reform has long been an acute issue in Brazil, where the distribution of cultivable land is extremely unequal. The Land Statute adopted by the military in 1964 constituted a genuine reform programme, which, however, was never implemented as the government chose to modernize agriculture and expand cultivated areas. This has prevented the poorest from having access to the land.-from English summary

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Includes bibliography

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The agrarian reform allows for land redistribution and gives rural workers the opportunity to develop their life projects, rescuing the dignity of a historically excluded population. The conquest of the land carries significances that span from the rescue of citizenship to the improvement of living conditions due to the acquisition of goods, products and services. It is pointed out that in Brazil there still exists a marked concentration of large-landed estates. In this sense, this work had the objective of analyzing the Brazilian agrarian reform process during the last two decades. In this period the country had three Presidents, two of them elected with the support of the Rural Landless Workers Movement, increasing the expectations in relation to the fulfillment of the agrarian reform. The advances in the policies of rural settlements are notable; however, the structure of large-land estates remains unaltered. In the last two years (2011 and 2012) the number of settled families, as well as the number of settlements accomplished, were the worst since 2006. The priority of the current government is the eradication of extreme poverty and, in this sense, the agrarian reform becomes an essential policy to contribute to such goal, since with the distribution of the property of the land also diminishes the concentration of wealth.

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Brazil is one of the largest agricultural producers in the world. However, its agrarian composition is based on two markedly different production models, particularly in relation to sustainability: a peasant family agriculture, which plays an important role in food production for domestic consumption and advocates agro-ecological practises; and agribusiness, the politically and economically hegemonic model that produces commodities for export based on monoculture and intensive use of pesticides. Therefore, in order to create the means to develop peasant lands, social movements and peasants have engaged themselves politically and defended an education model grounded in sustainable practises of production and social organisation. Taking this into account, the main purpose of this paper is to analyse and assess the Brazilian experience of integration between education and sustainability, in the National Education Program in Agrarian Reform (PRONERA). To accomplish this aim, a survey with a semi-structured questionnaire was carried out among teachers, students, monitors, and coordinators of the course offered by PRONERA. The surveys showed that the courses are promoting the concepts of sustainability among peasants. However, many adjustments need to be taken into consideration during the planning process for the next courses offered by PRONERA.

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Text taken from a speech by James R. Fowler, delivered at St. Joseph's College, Philadelphia, Pa. on April 25, 1968.

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Entre 1988 et 2008, les Philippines ont mis en oeuvre le Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program (CARP) qui visait à redistribuer 9 million d‟hectares de terres agricoles aux paysans sans terre. En dépit des échappatoires du programme et d‟une structure sociale très inégale qui freinent sa mise en oeuvre, ce modèle de réforme agraire présente des résultats surprenants alors que 82% des terres ont été redistribuées. Concernant les terres plus litigieuses appartenant à des intérêts privés, Borras soutient que le succès surprenant de plusieurs cas de luttes agraires s‟explique par l‟utilisation de la stratégie bibingka qui consiste à appliquer de la pression par le bas et par le haut afin de forcer la redistribution. Sa théorie cependant ne donne que peu de détails concernant les éléments qui rendent un cas plus ou moins litigieux. Elle ne traite pas non plus de la manière dont les éléments structurels et l‟action collective interagissent pour influencer le résultat des luttes agraires. Dans ce mémoire, nous nous attardons d‟abord à la manière dont certains éléments structurels – le type de récolte et le type de relation de production - influencent le degré de résistance des propriétaires terriens face aux processus du CARP, contribuant ainsi à rendre les cas plus ou moins litigieux. Ensuite nous analysons l‟influence du contexte structurel et des stratégies paysannes sur le résultat de la mise en oeuvre du programme de réforme agraire. Pour répondre à nos deux questions de recherche, nous présentons quatre études de cas situés dans la province de Cebu.

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O objetivo desse artigo é caracterizar as fontes da ineficiência técnica e alocativa em um conjunto de 308 beneficiários de um programa de reforma agrária de mercado, chamado Cédula da Terra;, distribuídos em cinco estados do Nordeste brasileiro. Estudos conduzidos por Buainain et al. (2002) mostraram existem poucas diferenças entre as características de beneficiários deste programa e dos programas tradicionais de reforma agrária por expropriação e que portanto, os resultados obtidos por este trabalho permitem visualizar as dificuldades enfrentadas pelos assentamentos no Brasil. Para medir eficiência, estimou-se uma função de produção potencial segundo a metodologia de Battese e Coelli (1995) e a partir disto, procurou-se explicar as razões da ineficiência (relativa) encontrada. Os resultados apontam para a existência de ineficiência técnica e alocativa que é identificada principalmente nas situações em que a presença de produção para consumo é elevada. Tratase de um resultado que revela a pouca maturidade da maioria dos lotes dos assentados do PCT e a dificuldade de superar as limitações impostas pela condição inicial de formação dos assentamentos de reforma agrária, principalmente na região nordeste do Brasil.

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More than 40 years after the agrarian reform, Peru is experiencing a renewed process of concentration of land ownership in the hands of large-scale investors, favoring the development of a sugar cane production cluster along the northern coast. The expansion of the agricultural frontier by means of large irrigation projects – originally developed to benefit medium- and small-scale farmers – is carried out today in order to be sold to large-scale investors for the production of export crops. In the region of Piura the increasing presence of large-scale biofuel investors puts substantial pressure on land and water resources, not only changing the use of and access to land for local communities, but also generating water shortages vis-à-vis the multiple water demands of local food producers. The changes in land relations and the agro-ecosystem, the altering food production regime as well as the increasing proletarization of smallholders, is driving many locals – even those which (initially) welcomed the investment – into resistance activities against the increasing control of land, water and other natural resources in the hands of agribusinesses. The aim of this presentation is to discuss the contemporary political, social and cultural dynamics of agrarian change along the northern Peruvian coast as well as the «reactions from below» emanating from campesino communities, landless laborers, brick producers, pastoralists as well as other marginalized groups. The different strategies, forms and practices of resistance with the goal of the «protection of the territory» shall be explored as well as the reasons for their rather scattered occurrence and the lack of alliances on the land issue. This input shall make a contribution to the on-going debate on individual and communal property rights and the question of what is best in terms of collective defense against land grabbing.

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Black South Africans experienced centuries of mistreatment and land dispossessions, leaving their population in dire poverty and dependence. The 1994 democratization of South Africa birthed a three-fold land reform program dedicated to land restitution, land redistribution, and tenure reform. The first decade of implementation left government goals unmet. The relevance of land reform is examined given modern-day urbanization, industrialization, and globalization. This paper affirms land reform is still relevant socially and is therefore relevant politically and economically. Improvements to program implementation are suggested in the following areas: implementing agency support; rural representation; information management; land market stimulation; beneficiary support; and agrarian reform. Land reform limitations are discussed, and industrialization is briefly explored as the more likely solution to poverty issues.

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This study approaches Óscar Romero by attending to his intimate involvement in and concern for the problematic surrounding the reform of Salvadoran agriculture and the conflict over property and possession underlying it. In this study, I situate Romero in relation to the concentration of landholding and the production of landlessness in El Salvador over the course of the twentieth century, and I examine his participation in the longstanding societal and ecclesial debate about agrarian reform provoked by these realities. I try to show how close attention to agrarian reform and what was at stake in it can illumine not only the conflict that occasioned Romero’s martyrdom but the meaning of the martyrdom itself.

Understanding Romero’s involvement in the debate about agrarian reform requires sustained attention to how it takes its bearings from the line of thinking about property and possession for which Pope Leo XIII’s 1891 encyclical Rerum novarum stands as a new beginning. The enclyclical tradition developing out of Leo’s pontificate is commonly referred to as Catholic social doctrine or Catholic social teaching. Romero’s and the Church’s participation in the debate about agrarian reform in El Salvador is unintelligible apart from it.

What Romero and the encyclical tradition share, I argue, is an understanding of creation as a common gift, from which follows a distinctive construal of property and the demands of justice with respect to possessing it. On this view, property does not name, as it is often taken to mean, the enclosure of what is common for the exclusive use of its possessors—something to be held by them over and against others. Rather, property and everything related to its holding derive from the claim that creation is a gift given to human creatures in common. The acknowledgement of creation as a common gift gives rise to what I describe in this study as a politics of common use, of which agrarian reform is one expression.

In Romero’s El Salvador, those who took the truth of creation as common gift seriously—those who spoke out against or opposed the ubiquity of the concentration of land and who clamored for agrarian reform so that the landless and land-poor could have access to land to cultivate for subsistence—suffered greatly as a consequence. I argue that, among other things, their suffering shows how, under the conditions of sin and violence, those who work to ensure that others have access to what is theirs in justice often risk laying down their lives in charity. In other words, they witness to the way that God’s work to restore creation has a cruciform shape. Therefore, while the advocacy for agrarian reform begins with the understanding of creation as common gift, the testimony to this truth in word and in deed points to the telos of the gift and the common life in the crucified and risen Lord in which it participates

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Cette thèse propose une ethnographie des devenirs des fermiers blancs saisis sur le long terme de leur présence au Zimbabwe. L’analyse est centrée autour d’un moment de crise, les occupations de fermes en cours, qualifié dans ce travail d’éthique et de critique. Ces occupations s’attaquent symboliquement et réellement aux restes de la colonisation au Zimbabwe. Leur étude nous a conduits à nous interroger sur les manières suivant lesquelles la décolonisation est mise en oeuvre dans le Zimbabwe du Président Mugabe et sur les enjeux qui concernent la forme, notamment sur le plan légale, de la postcolonie. Ces occupations ont provoqué l’expulsion de plus de 90 % des fermiers blancs hors de leur lieu utopique, à savoir la ferme, et les ont poussés dans des espaces d’ambiguïté à l’intérieur desquels les occupants cherchent la confrontation. La question de la corruption (économique et morale) est au coeur de l’expérience des fermiers blancs qui ont été forcés de renoncer à leur intégrité. Certains d’entre eux ont tenté par divers moyens de la maintenir en se préservant de la corruption et en réclamant le respect de leurs « droits »; d’autres ont accepté de vivre dans la zone grise que constitue l’occupation de leur ferme. Cette thèse qui s’ancre dans l’anthropologie postcoloniale est organisée en trois parties. La question centrale de la première partie qui est d’orientation historique interroge la forme que les settlers ont donnée à ce pays et la manière mise de l’avant par les fermiers blancs pour faire de ces terres africaines « leur » lieu. Dans la deuxième partie, l’instauration après 2000 du Fast-track land reform programme et l'expérience quotidienne des occupations du point de vue des fermiers blancs sont analysées dans le détail. Dans la troisième partie, la vie des fermiers dépossédés de leur ferme est abordée à partir d’Harare, la capitale du Zimbabwe et de la Grande-Bretagne où ils ont trouvé refuge. Ceux qui vivent actuellement à Harare se sont réorganisés socialement et économiquement en redéfinissant les limites, notamment morales, de la communauté. Ceux qui, fuyant le Zimbabwe, sont « retournés » en Angleterre sont redevenus des Anglais.