Revolution in Crisis: The Ruptures of Revolution and Ruptured Revolutions Through the Ruptures of Artistic Practice

This article proposes an investigation of the history and memory of the Carnation Revolution through the lens of contemporary art. Drawing upon the argument according to which history and memory are investigated by visual artists by means other, but no less relevant, than those of professional historians, this article will argue for the importance of attending to the visual, auditory, textual, object- and research-based ways in which artists from several generations and geographies have been unearthing the repressed histories and memories of the Carnation Revolution in Portugal and of anticolonial struggles, decolonization and post-independence nation-building in Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau and Angola. The discussion focuses on several works by Ângela Ferreira, but attention will also be paid to precursors in imaging the Revolution, such as Ana Hatherly, and to a younger generation of artists such as Filipa César, Kiluanji Kia Henda and Daniel Barroca.

A política externa independente na questão da descolonização da África lusófona (1958 1964)

O presente trabalho destina-se a analisar as relações diplomáticas entre o Brasil e Portugal sobre a questão da independência da África lusófona. Até 1961, verifica-se a manutenção de uma relação privilegiada com a pátria lusitana, traduzida no incondicional apoio brasileiro prestado aos assuntos do interesse de Portugal que se colocavam nos foros internacionais, como por exemplo, a questão da descolonização africana, no âmbito da ONU.A Política Externa Independente, projeto formulado em 1961 pelo então Presidente Jânio Quadros e seu Chanceler, Afonso Arinos de Melo Franco, visava a renovação da ação externa do país. O anticolonialismo e a defesa da autodeterminação dos povos faziam parte das formulações da PEI, que, entretanto, acabou encontrando grandes dificuldades para manter a coerência no posicionamento brasileiro na ONU, diante do processo de descolonização dos territórios portugueses na África. Portugal manteve, durante todo o período analisado (1958-1964), uma forte estratégia de defesa da manutenção de seus territórios ultramarinos. O Brasil, por sua vez, encontrou, principalmente no nível interno, os maiores obstáculos para manter uma conduta assertiva na matéria colonial. A leitura das fontes primárias, bem como dos livros escritos pelos Chanceleres da PEI, constituiu importante metodologia para a comprovação de que houve contradições e abstenções por parte do Brasil, sobre a questão colonial portuguesa, entre 1961-1964, na ONU. E que a falta de unidade de posicionamento externada nas Assembléias refletia principalmente os embates internos, que provocaram as grandes oscilações demonstradas pela nossa Delegação nas mais importantes votações sobre a questão.

Indigenous Australians and Islam : spiritual, cultural, and political alliances

This thesis examines why and how Indigenous Australians convert to Islam in the New South Wales suburbs of Redfern and Lakemba. It is argued that conventional religious conversion theories inadequately account for religious change in the circumstances outlined in this study. The aim of the thesis is to apply a sociological-historical methodology to document and analyse both Indigenous and Islamic pathways eventuating in Indigenous Islamic alliances. All of the Indigenous men interviewed for this research have had contact with Islam either while incarcerated or involved with the criminal justice system. The consequences of these alliances for the Indigenous men constitute the contribution the study makes to new knowledge. The study employs a socio-historical and sociological focus to account for the underlying issues by a literature review followed by an ethnographic participant observation methodology. In-depth open-ended interviews with key informants provided the rich qualitative data to compliment literature review findings. For the Indigenous people involved in this study, Islamic religious identity combined with resistance politics formed a significant empowering framework. For them it is a symbolic representation of anti-colonialism and the enduring scourge of social dysfunction in some Indigenous communities.

Le panasiatisme en Asie : une construction de l’identité asiatique et japonaise, 1900-1924

La recherche sur le développement du panasiatisme en dehors du Japon a été longtemps négligée par les historiens. Ce mémoire est une tentative de décloisonnement du panasiatisme afin de mieux comprendre son émergence en Asie et son rôle dans la construction de l'identité asiatique entre 1900 et 1924 en examinant le discours de cinq acteurs de l’« idéologie ». Utilisant comme perspectivel'histoire globale, il démontre comment le panasiatisme en Asie s'inscrit dans un réseau de contacts et de circulation d'idées intra-asiatique au début du 20e siècle, réseau influencé principalement par deux concepts dans sa définition de l'Asie: la race jaune et la civilisation asiatique. Tentant de mieux comprendre la relation entre la pensée en Asie et au Japon, le mémoire explore aussi les similarités et différences entre eux, notamment la création d'une identité et de la perception du Japon comme modèle de modernisation et chef du continent qui se propagent en Asie à travers la rhétorique panasiatique.

José Carlos Mariátegui: el mensaje de Oriente. Aproximaciones al caso de India (Estudios)

A partir de los escritos de José Carlos Mariátegui sobre Oriente, este artículo aborda el análisis del pensador peruano sobre la importancia de los movimientos independentistas de las colonias orientales de Asia y África posteriores a la Primera Guerra Mundial, y su interés en el caso de India. Se resalta la mirada crítica de Mariátegui respecto a la hegemonía de Occidente y el valor de las luchas por la independencia, vistas como la posibilidad de un cambio de orden político y social y, con ello, del surgimiento de una nueva conciencia.

Impegno nero: Italian intellectuals and the African-American struggle

In the aftermath of the Second World War, Italian intellectuals participated in Italy’s reconstruction with an ideological commitment inspired by the African-American struggle for equal rights in the United States. Drawing on the work of many of the leading figures in postwar Italian culture, including Italo Calvino, Giorgio Caproni, Cesare Pavese, and Elio Vittorini, this essay argues that Italian intellectual impegno—defined as the effort to remake Italian culture and to guide Italian social reform—was united with a significant investment in the African-American cause. The author terms this tendency impegno nero and traces its development in the critical reception of African-American writers including W.E.B. DuBois, Langston Hughes, and Richard Wright. Postwar impegno nero is then contrasted with the treatment of African-American themes under Fascism, when commentators had likewise condemned American racism, but had paradoxically linked their laments for the plight of African Americans with defenses of the racial policies of the Fascist regime. Indeed, Fascist colonialism and anti-Semitism were both justified through references to what Fascist intellectuals believed to be America’s greater injustices. After 1945, in contrast, Italian intellectuals advocated an international, interdependent campaign for justice, symbolizing national reforms by projecting them onto an emblematic America. In this way, impegno nero revived and revised the celebrated "myth of America" that had developed in Italy between the world wars. Advancing a new, postwar myth, Italian intellectuals adopted the African-American struggle in order to reinforce their own efforts in the ongoing struggle for justice in Italy.

RESISTANCE TO THE COLONIALITY AND COLONIAL SUBSERVIENCE. THE LEGACY OF COLONIALISM IN JORGE BARBOSA AND VIRIATO DA CRUZ AFRICAN POETRY

From the 70's, Africa was a massive wave of independence process. However, such processes are not meant processes of decolonization. According with Fanon (1961) also decolonization is based not only on the territorial and political, but mostly mental. While some former colonies resist colonial hegemony still visible in the local culture, others are colluding with the colonizing process. Thus, it will analyze the subservience and resistance to colonization in Lusophone African poetry, especially with the Angolan Viriato da Cruz, with the poem MaKézú (1961) and Cape Verdian Jorge Barbosa with Prelude (1956).

African Indigeneity

The current argument is that there exist no indigenous people in Africa because all Africans are indigenous. The obverse considers those Africans who have not been touched by colonialism and lost their traditional cultures commensurate with attachments to the lands or a distinguishable traditional lifestyle to be indigenous. This paper argues in favor of the latter. For example, modernism, materialism, ex-colonial socio-cultural impacts (as in the remnants of European legal structures, and cultural scarring), globalization, and technology are international social homogenizers. People who live in this telos and do not participate in a distinct traditional culture that has been attached to the land for centuries are not indigenous. It is argued that this cultural divergence between modern and traditional is the major identifying point to settle the indigenous-non indigenous African debate. Finally, the paper looks at inclusive development, how this helps to distinguish African indigeneity, and provides a new political analysis model for quantifying inclusivity.

Establishing indigeneity in African pluralities using PRO169 parameters and a case study for measuring their inclusivity

The concept of the indigenous person or group in Africa is a contentious one. The current argument is that there exist no indigenous people in Africa because all Africans are indigenous. The obverse considers those Africans who have not been touched by colonialism and lost their traditional cultures commensurate with attachments to the lands or a distinguishable traditional lifestyle to be indigenous. This paper argues in favor of the latter. People who live in the global telos and do not participate in a distinct traditional culture that has been attached to the land for centuries are not indigenous. It is argued that this cultural divergence between modern and traditional is the major identifying point to settle the indigenous-non indigenous African debate. Finally, the paper looks at inclusive development and provides a new political analysis model for quantifying inclusivity so as to measure the inclusivity of indigenous peoples.

African Pasts: Memory and History in African Literatures

Woods, T. (2007). African Pasts: Memory and History in African Literatures. Manchetser: Manchester University Press. RAE2008

Ubuntu, Jesus, and Earth: Integrating African Religion and Christianity in Ecological Ethics

Africa faces problems of ecological devastation caused by economic exploitation, rapid population growth, and poverty. Capitalism, residual colonialism, and corruption undermine Africa's efforts to forge a better future. The dissertation describes how in Africa the mounting ecological crisis has religious, political, and economic roots that enable and promote social and environmental harm. It presents the thesis that religious traditions, including their ethical expressions, can effectively address the crisis, ameliorate its impacts, and advocate for social and environmental betterment, now and in the future. First, it examines African traditional religion and Christian teaching, which together provide the foundation for African Christianity. Critical examination of both religious worldviews uncovers their complementary emphases on human responsibility toward planet Earth and future generations. Second, an analysis of the Gwembe Tonga of Chief Simamba explores the interconnectedness of all elements of the universe in African cosmologies. In Africa, an interdependent, participatory relationship exists between the world of animals, the world of humans, and the Creator. In discussing the annual lwiindi (rain calling) ceremony of Simamba, the study explores ecological overtones of African religions. Such rituals illustrate the involvement of ancestors and high gods in maintaining ecological integrity. Third, the foundation of the African morality of abundant life is explored. Across Sub-Saharan Africa, ancestors' teachings are the foundation of morality; ancestors are guardians of the land. A complementary teaching that Christ is the ecological ancestor of all life can direct ethical responses to the ecological crisis. Fourth, the eco-social implications of ubuntu (what it means to be fully human) are examined. Some aspects of ubuntu are criticized in light of economic inequalities and corruption in Africa. However, ubuntu can be transformed to advocate for eco-social liberation. Fifth, the study recognizes that in some cases conflicts exist between ecological values and religious teachings. This conflict is examined in terms of the contrast between awareness of socioeconomic problems caused by population growth, on the one hand, and advocacy of a traditional African morality of abundant children, on the other hand. A change in the latter religious view is needed since overpopulation threatens sustainable living and the future of Earth. The dissertation concludes that the identification of Jesus with African ancestors and theological recognition of Jesus as the ecological ancestor, woven together with ubuntu, an ethic of interconnectedness, should characterize African consciousness and promote resolution of the socio-ecological crisis.

Inhibition of adaptive immune responses leads to a fatal clinical outcome in SIV-infected pigtailed macaques but not vervet African green monkeys.

African green monkeys (AGM) and other natural hosts for simian immunodeficiency virus (SIV) do not develop an AIDS-like disease following SIV infection. To evaluate differences in the role of SIV-specific adaptive immune responses between natural and nonnatural hosts, we used SIV(agmVer90) to infect vervet AGM and pigtailed macaques (PTM). This infection results in robust viral replication in both vervet AGM and pigtailed macaques (PTM) but only induces AIDS in the latter species. We delayed the development of adaptive immune responses through combined administration of anti-CD8 and anti-CD20 lymphocyte-depleting antibodies during primary infection of PTM (n = 4) and AGM (n = 4), and compared these animals to historical controls infected with the same virus. Lymphocyte depletion resulted in a 1-log increase in primary viremia and a 4-log increase in post-acute viremia in PTM. Three of the four PTM had to be euthanized within 6 weeks of inoculation due to massive CMV reactivation and disease. In contrast, all four lymphocyte-depleted AGM remained healthy. The lymphocyte-depleted AGM showed only a trend toward a prolongation in peak viremia but the groups were indistinguishable during chronic infection. These data show that adaptive immune responses are critical for controlling disease progression in pathogenic SIV infection in PTM. However, the maintenance of a disease-free course of SIV infection in AGM likely depends on a number of mechanisms including non-adaptive immune mechanisms.

The African National Congress and its Critics: 'Predatory Liberalism', Black Empowerment and Intra-Alliance Tensions in Post-Apartheid South Africa

Post-apartheid South Africa is characterized by centralized, neo-liberal policymaking that perpetuates, and in some cases exaggerates, socio-economic inequalities inherited from the apartheid era. The African National Congress (ANC) leadership’s alignment with powerful international and domestic market actors produces tensions within the Tripartite Alliance and between government and civil society. Consequently, several characteristics of ‘predatory liberalism’ are evident in contemporary South Africa: neo-liberal restructuring of the economy is combined with an increasing willingness by government to assert its authority, to marginalize and delegitimize those critical of its abandonment of inclusive governance. A new form of oligarch power, combining entrenched economic interests with those of a new ‘black bourgeoisie’ promoted by narrowly implemented Black Economic Empowerment policies, diminishes prospects for broad-based socio-economic transformation. Because the new policy environment is failing to resolve tensions between global market demands for increasing market liberalization and domestic popular demands for poverty-alleviation and socio-economic transformation, the ANC leadership is forced increasingly to confront ‘ultra-leftists’ who are challenging its credentials as defender of the National Democratic Revolution which was the cornerstone in the anti-apartheid struggle.