680 resultados para Adam and Eve
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Rembrandt van Rijn; 6 27/64 in.x 4 39/64 in.; etching on paper
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Brueghel the Elder, Jan and Peter Paul Rubens; oil on panel
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Colophon: London: Printed by William Clowes, Northumberland-court.
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Hieronymus Bosch; grisaille, oil on wood
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This thesis examines the mythology in and social reality behind a group of texts from the Nag Hammadi and related literature, to which certain leaders of the early church attached the label, Ophite, i.e., snake people. In the mythology, which essentially draws upon and rewrites the Genesis paradise story, the snake's advice to eat from the tree of knowledge is positive, the creator and his angels are demonic beasts and the true godhead is depicted as an androgynous heavenly projection of Adam and Eve. It will be argued that this unique mythology is attested in certain Coptic texts from the Nag Hammadi and Berlin 8502 Codices (On the Origin of the World, Hypostasis of the Archons, Apocryphon of John, Eugnostos, Sophia of Jesus Christ), as well as in reports by Irenaeus (Adversus Haereses 1.30), Origen (Contra Celsum 6.24-38) and Epiphanius (Panarion 26). It will also be argued that this so-called Ophite evidence is essential for a proper understanding of Sethian Gnosticism, often today considered one of the earliest forms of Gnosticism; there seems to have occurred a Sethianization of Ophite mythology. I propose that we replace the current Sethian Gnostic category by a new one that not only adds texts that draw upon the Ophite mythology alongside these Sethian texts, but also arranges the material in smaller typological units. I also propose we rename this remodelled and expanded Sethian corpus "Classic Gnostic." I have divided the thesis into four parts: (I) Introduction; (II) Myth and Innovation; (III) Ritual; and (IV) Conclusion. In Part I, the sources and previous research on Ophites and Sethians will be examined, and the new Classic Gnostic category will be introduced to provide a framework for the study of the Ophite evidence. Chapters in Part II explore key themes in the mythology of our texts, first by text comparison (to show that certain texts represent the Ophite mythology and that this mythology is different from Sethianism), and then by attempting to unveil social circumstances that may have given rise to such myths. Part III assesses heresiological claims of Ophite rituals, and Part IV is the conclusion.
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This study analyses Augustine s concept of concupiscentia, or evil desire (together with two cognate terms, libido and cupiditas) in the context of his entire oeuvre. By the aid of systematic analysis, the concept and its development is explored in four distinct ways. It is claimed that Augustine used the concept of concupiscentia for several theological purposes, and the task of the study is to represent these distinct functions, and their connections to Augustine s general theological and philosophical convictions. The study opens with a survey on terminology. A general overview of the occurrences of the negatively connoted words for desire in Latin literature precedes a corresponding examination of Augustine s own works. In this introductory chapter it is shown that, despite certain preferences in the uses of the words, a sufficient degree of synonymy reigns so as to allow an analysis of the concept without tightly discriminating between the terms. The theological functions of concupiscentia with its distinct contexts are analysed in separate chapters. The function of concupiscentia as a divine punishment is explored first (Ch 3). It is seen how Augustine links together concupiscentia and ideas about divine justice, and finally suggests that in the inordinate, psychologically experienced sexual desire, the original theological disobedience of Adam and Eve can be perceived. Augustine was criticized for this solution already in his own times, and the analysis of the function of concupiscentia as a divine punishment ends in a discussion on the critical response of punitive concupiscentia by Julian of Aeclanum. Augustine also attached to concupiscentia another central theological function by viewing evil desire as an inward originating cause for all external evil actions. In the study, this function is analysed by surveying two formally distinct images of evil desire, i.e. as the root (radix) of all evil, and as a threefold (triplex) matrix of evil actions (Ch 4). Both of these images were based on a single verse of the Bible (1 Jn 2, 16 and 1 Tim 6, 10). This function of concupiscentia was formed both parallel to, and in answer to, Manichaean insights into concupiscentia. Being familiar with the traditional philosophical discussions on the nature and therapy of emotions, Augustine situated concupiscentia also into this context. It is acknowledged that these philosophical traditions had an obvious impact into his way of explaining psychological processes in connection with concupiscentia. Not only did Augustine implicitly receive and exploit these traditions, but he also explicitly moulded and criticized them in connection with concupiscentia. Eventually, Augustine conceives the philosophical traditions of emotions as partly useful but also partly inadequate to deal with concupiscentia (Ch 5). The role of concupiscentia in connection to divine grace and Christian renewal is analysed in the final chapter of the study. Augustine s gradual development in internalizing the effects of concupiscentia also into the life of a baptized Christian are elucidated, as are the strong limitations and mitigations Augustine makes to the concept when attaching it into the life under grace (sub gratia). A crucial part in the development of this function is played by Augustine s changing interpretation of Rom 7, and the way concupiscentia appears in Augustine s readings of this text is therefore also analysed. As a result of the analysis of these four distinct functions and contexts of concupiscentia, it is concluded that Augustine s concept of concupiscentia is fairly tightly and coherently connected to his views of central theological importance. Especially the functions of concupiscentia as a punishment and the function of concupiscentia in Christian renewal were both tightly interwoven into Augustine s view of God s being and God s grace. The study shows the importance of reading Augustine s discussions on evil desire with a constant awareness of their role in their larger context, that is, of their function in each situation. The study warns against too simplistic and unifying readings of Augustine s concupiscentia, emphasizing the need to acknowledge both the necessitating, sinful aspects of concupiscentia, and the domesticated features of concupiscentia during Christian renewal.
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The thesis examines Milton's strategic use of romance in Paradise Lost, arguing that such a handling of romance is a provocative realignment of its values according to the poet’s Christian focus. The thesis argues that Milton's use of romance is not simply the importation of a tradition into the poem; it entails a backward judgement on that tradition, defining its idealising tendencies as fundamentally misplaced. The thesis also examines the Caroline uses of romance and chivalry in the 1630s to provide a vision of British unification, and Milton's reaction to this political agenda.
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Ce mémoire se focalise sur la pièce Antony and Cleopatra de Shakespeare en relation avec la pensée biblique, l’humanisme de la Renaissance et les caractéristiques de la tragédie comme genre littéraire et philosophie grecque. La chute d’Adam et Eve dans la Bible, ainsi que le conflit entre le héros tragique et les dieux, sont deux thèmes qui sont au centre de ce mémoire. Le mythe de la chute d’Adam et Eve sert, en effet, d’un modèle de la chute—et par conséquent, de la tragédie—d’Antoine et Cléopâtre mais aussi de structure pour ce mémoire. Si le premier chapitre parle de paradis, le deuxième évoque le péché originel. Le troisième, quant à lui, aborde une contre-rédemption. Le premier chapitre réfère à l’idée du paradis, ou l’Éden dans la bible, afin d’examiner ce qui est édénique dans Antony and Cleopatra. La fertilité, l’épicuréisme, l’excès dionysien sont tous des éléments qui sont présents dans la conception d’un Éden biblique et Shakespearien. Le deuxième chapitre est une étude sur la tragédie comme genre fondamentalement lié à la pensée religieuse et philosophique des grecs, une pensée qui anime aussi Antony and Cleopatra. Ce chapitre montre, en effet, que les deux protagonistes Shakespeariens, comme les héros tragiques grecs, défient les dieux et le destin, engendrant ainsi leur tragédie (ou ‘chute’, pour continuer avec le mythe d’Adam et Eve). Si le deuxième chapitre cherche à créer des ponts entre la tragédie grecque et la tragédie Shakespearienne, le troisième chapitre montre que le dénouement dans Antony and Cleopatra est bien différent des dénouements dans les tragédies de Sophocle, Euripide, et Eschyle. Examinant la pensée de la Renaissance, surtout la notion d’humanisme, la partie finale du mémoire présente les protagonistes de Shakespeare comme des éternels rebelles, des humanistes déterminés à défier les forces du destin.
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In Fraktur
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Fifteenth century manuscript named in honor of Dr. H.B. Wheatley.
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Mode of access: Internet.