579 resultados para Aboriginal Australians.


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Aboriginal Australians have a long history of eating native animals and plants. Food preparation techniques were handed down through the generations, without any need for cookbooks. But colonisation changed the diets of Aboriginal Australians, introducing us to a processed diet high in salt, sugar and fat, and causing a wide range of diet-related health problems. Over the years, many Aboriginal Australians lost their connections to traditional food preparation practices. In this paper, the authors provide a brief overview of Aboriginal food history and describe a newly-emerging focus on reintroducing native foods. They describe the work of an Aboriginal chef, Dale Chapman, who is actively promoting native foods and creating a native-Western food fusion. Chapman has developed native food recipes and a cookbook, in an effort to make native foods accessible to all Australians. She promotes a future when native foods are part of the identity of all Australians – both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal.

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Objectives: Study objectives were: 1) to describe the differences in the prevalence of CHID risk factors between Aboriginal people in a remote community and the general Australian population; and 2) to compare the predicted risks of CHD events between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal Australians. Design: A cross-sectional study. Participants: 681 Aboriginal adults aged 25 to 74 years. Results: Aboriginal young adults had substantially higher prevalence of diabetes compared to non-Aboriginal Australians. The prevalence ratios for diabetes were 12.5, 5.6, 3.2, 1.3, and 0.73 for 25-, 35-, 45-, 55-, and 65- to 74-year-old females, respectively, The corresponding values for males were 12.1, 2.7, 2.9, 0.69, and 0.42. Young females had a higher prevalence of obesity, overweight, and abnormal waist circumference, while males and females 45 years and older tended to have a lower prevalence of overweight and ab. normal waist circumference. Compared to the general population, Aboriginal adults had a lower prevalence of abnormal total cholesterol but a higher prevalence of abnormal HDL, triglycerides, hypertension, and smoking. The risk ratios of abnormal total cholesterol for females ages 2534, 35-44, 45-54, 55-64, and 65-75 years were 0.38, 0.53, 0.48, 0.48, and 0.41, respectively. Conclusions: Aboriginal people in the remote community experienced different levels of CHD risk predictors from the general Australian population. They had a lower prevalence of abnormal total cholesterol and a higher prevalence of abnormal HDL, smoking, diabetes, and hypertension.

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Rates of kidney disease among several indigenous groups have been shown to be substantially higher than corresponding non-indigenous groups. This excess has been clearly shown among Aboriginal Australians with respect to both end-stage kidney disease and early kidney disease. Rates of cardiovascular disease among Aboriginal Australians are also very high, as are rates of diabetes, smoking, and possibly overweight and obesity. These factors have been traditionally linked with cardiovascular and renal disease as part of a broader metabolic syndrome. However, the links and interfaces between cardiovascular and kidney disease in this environment extend beyond these traditional factors. The factors associated with atherosclerosis have expanded in recent years to include markers of inflammation, some infection, antioxidants, and other non-traditional risk factors. Given the high rates of acute infection and poor living conditions endured by many indigenous people, one might expect these non-traditional risk factors to be highly prevalent. In this review, we explore the relationships between markers of inflammation, some serological markers of infection, and other selected markers and both cardiovascular and renal disease. In doing so, we demonstrate links between kidney and cardiovascular disease at a number of levels, beyond the traditional cardiovascular/renal risk factors. Many of these factors are beyond the control of the individual or even community; addressing these issues a broader focus and biopsychosocial model. (C) 2005 by the National Kidney Foundation, Inc.

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Objective: Empowerment is a complex process of psychological, social, organizational and structural change. It allows individuals and groups to achieve positive growth and effectively address the social and psychological impacts of historical oppression, marginalization and disadvantage. The Growth and Empowerment Measure (GEM) was developed to measure change in dimensions of empowerment as defi ned and described by Aboriginal Australians who participated in the Family Well Being programme.---------- Method: The GEM has two components: a 14-item Emotional Empowerment Scale (EES14) and 12 Scenarios (12S). It is accompanied by the Kessler 6 Psychological Distress Scale (K6), supplemented by two questions assessing frequency of happy and angry feelings. For validation, the measure was applied with 184 Indigenous Australian participants involved in personal and/or organizational social health activities.---------- Results: Psychometric analyses of the new instruments support their validity and reliability and indicate two-component structures for both the EES (Self-capacity; Inner peace) and the 12S (Healing and enabling growth, Connection and purpose). Strong correlations were observed across the scales and subscales. Participants who scored higher on the newly developed scales showed lower distress on the K6, particularly when the two additional questions were included. However, exploratory factor analyses demonstrated that GEM subscales are separable from the Kessler distress measure.---------- Conclusion: The GEM shows promise in enabling measurement and enhancing understanding of both process and outcome of psychological and social empowerment within an Australian Indigenous context.

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Anna Hickey-Mody and Melissa Iocca invented a new name for the cinema-goer at "Bad Boy Bubby" (1993) when they wrote: "In de Heer's film, the viewer is primarily a listener, or aurator, and secondly a spectator" and I have argued the label 'aurator' can also be used for the person experiencing "Ten Canoes" (2006). This Aboriginal Australian Dreamtime fable features dialogue recorded entirely in the Ganalbingu language of the Indigenous people it stars, and is a prime example of what I would suggest can be labeled 'The Aboriginal Australian Films of Rolf de Heer'. "The Tracker" (2002) and "Dr. Plonk" (2007) have also included depictions of Aboriginal Australians and each of the trio utilizes Cat Hope's "innovative sound ideas" to present what I argue is an aural auteur's signature revealing a post-colonial Australian world-view that privileges the justice system and eco-spirituality of Aboriginal Australians.

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The poor nutritional status of Aboriginal Australians is a serious and complex public health concern. We describe an unusually successful health and nutrition project initiated by the people of Minjilang, which was developed, implemented and evaluated with the community. Apparent community dietary intake, assessed by the ‘store-turnover’ method, and biochemical, anthropometric and haematological indicators of health and nutritional status were measured before intervention and at three-monthly intervals during the intervention year. Following intervention, there was a significant decrease in dietary intake of sugar and saturated fat, an increase in micronutrient density, corresponding improvements in biochemical indices (for example, a 12 per cent decrease in mean serum cholesterol, increases in serum and red cell folate, serum vitamin B6 and plasma ascorbic acid), decrease in mean systolic and diastolic blood pressures, a normalisation of body mass index, and a normalisation of haematologic indices. The success of this project demonstrates that Aboriginal communities can bring about improvements in their generally poor nutritional status, and that the store-turnover method provides a valid, inexpensive and noninvasive method for evaluating the resultant changes in community diet. Although the project was undoubtedly effective in the short term, further work is in progress to assess individual strategies with respect to sustainability, cost-effectiveness and generalisability.

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The usual postmodern suspicions about diligently deciphering authorial intent or stridently seeking fixed meaning/s and/or binary distinctions in an artistic work aside, this self-indulgent essay pushes the boundaries regarding normative academic research, for it focusses on my own (minimally celebrated) published creative writing’s status as a literary innovation. Dedicated to illuminating some of the less common denominators at play in Australian horror, my paper recalls the creative writing process involved when I set upon the (arrogant?) goal of creating a new genre of creative writing: that of the ‘Aboriginal Fantastic’. I compare my work to the literary output of a small but significant group (2.5% of the population), of which I am a member: Aboriginal Australians. I narrow my focus even further by examining that creative writing known as Aboriginal horror. And I reduce the sample size of my study to an exceptionally small number by restricting my view to one type of Aboriginal horror literature only: the Aboriginal vampire novel, a genre to which I have contributed professionally with the 2011 paperback and 2012 e-book publication of That Blackfella Bloodsucka Dance! However, as this paper hopefully demonstrates, and despite what may be interpreted by some cynical commentators as the faux sincerity of my taxonomic fervour, Aboriginal horror is a genre noteworthy for its instability and worthy of further academic interrogation. (first paragraph)