949 resultados para AGRICULTURAL CENSUSES
Resumo:
Hasta no hace muchos años, en Argentina, la tenencia de la tierra era casi una condición suficiente para la producción agrícola. En los últimos años, el crecimiento en las cantidades obtenidas de granos, se ha dado en el contexto de una nueva forma de organización, donde son muy importantes otros factores productivos (capital –maquinarias-, capacidad empresarial), nuevos insumos (semillas transgénicas, nuevos agroquímicos y fertilizantes) y donde la tecnología que ambos tienen incorporada se potencia en agentes que acumularon un importante stock de conocimiento tácito. Más que por quién usa la tierra, el eje pasa por cómo la misma se utiliza. Los cambios tecnológicos y organizacionales tienen mucho que ver en la expansión agrícola argentina de las últimas décadas. Relacionado con estos factores e insumos, se destacan nuevos y remozados actores que, en conjunto con los productores y los eslabonamientos con la industria y los servicios, conforman y trabajan en forma de red (Bisang y Kosacoff, 2006). Como aporte a la descripción de este fenómeno, el objetivo de este trabajo es estudiar uno de esos protagonistas: los prestadores de servicios o contratistas. Se plantea como hipótesis que los cambios tecnológicos evidenciados en el agro fueron, en parte, canalizados hacia los productores por un actor (contratistas) que, especializado en la tenencia de un factor productivo (maquinaria), conjuga capacidad empresarial y financiera, necesidad por aplicar los cambios tecnológicos junto con conocimiento tácito, mayor posibilidad de diversificar el riesgo agropecuario y estrechas relaciones con el resto de los actores (dueños de la tierra, Centro de Servicios, etc.). A lo largo del trabajo se resume la interacción histórica entre los contratistas y la agricultura como una forma de caracterizar a estos empresarios y resaltar los aspectos que han influido en su expansión, convirtiéndolos en una peculiaridad de la agricultura argentina. Este repaso ofrece claros indicios sobre la hipótesis planteada -luego confirmados con información estadística- que, además, permite medir el peso de estos actores en la economía y su evolución reciente.
Resumo:
When the Shakers established communal farms in the Ohio Valley, they encountered a new agricultural environment that was substantially different from the familiar soils, climates, and markets of New England and the Hudson Valley. The ways in which their response to these new conditions differed by region has not been well documented. We examine patterns of specialization among the Shakers using the manuscript schedules of the federal Agricultural Censuses from 1850 through 1880. For each Shaker unit, we also recorded a random sample of five farms in the same township (or all available farms if there were fewer than five). The sample of neighboring farms included 75 in 1850, 70 in the next two census years, and 66 in 1880. A Herfindahl-type index suggested that, although the level of specialization was less among the Shakers than their neighbors, trends in specialization by the Shakers and their neighbors were remarkably similar when considered by region. Both Eastern and Western Shakers were more heavily committed to dairy and produce than were their neighbors, while Western Shakers produced more grains than did Eastern Shakers, a pattern imitated in nearby family farms. Livestock and related production was far more important to the Eastern Shakers than to the Western Shakers, again similar to patterns in the census returns from other farms. We conclude that, despite the obvious scale and organizational differences, Shaker production decisions were based on the same comparative advantages that determined production decisions of family farms.
Resumo:
Although pollinator declines are a global biodiversity threat, the demography of the western honeybee (Apis mellifera) has not been considered by conservationists because it is biased by the activity of beekeepers. To fill this gap in pollinator decline censuses and to provide a broad picture of the current status of honeybees across their natural range, we used microsatellite genetic markers to estimate colony densities and genetic diversity at different locations in Europe, Africa, and central Asia that had different patterns of land use. Genetic diversity and colony densities were highest in South Africa and lowest in Northern Europe and were correlated with mean annual temperature. Confounding factors not related to climate, however, are also likely to influence genetic diversity and colony densities in honeybee populations. Land use showed a significantly negative influence over genetic diversity and the density of honeybee colonies over all sampling locations. In Europe honeybees sampled in nature reserves had genetic diversity and colony densities similar to those sampled in agricultural landscapes, which suggests that the former are not wild but may have come from managed hives. Other results also support this idea: putative wild bees were rare in our European samples, and the mean estimated density of honeybee colonies on the continent closely resembled the reported mean number of managed hives. Current densities of European honeybee populations are in the same range as those found in the adverse climatic conditions of the Kalahari and Saharan deserts, which suggests that beekeeping activities do not compensate for the loss of wild colonies. Our findings highlight the importance of reconsidering the conservation status of honeybees in Europe and of regarding beekeeping not only as a profitable business for producing honey, but also as an essential component of biodiversity conservation.
Resumo:
Orosius orientalis is a leafhopper vector of several viruses and phytoplasmas affecting a broad range of agricultural crops. Sweep net, yellow pan trap and yellow sticky trap collection techniques were evaluated. Seasonal distribution of O. orientalis was surveyed over two successive growing seasons around the borders of commercially grown tobacco crops. Orosius orientalis seasonal activity as assessed using pan and sticky traps was characterised by a trimodal peak and relative abundance as assessed using sweep nets differed between field sites with peak activity occurring in spring and summer months. Yellow pan traps consistently trapped a higher number of O. orientalis than yellow sticky traps.
Resumo:
Nitrous oxide (N2O) is primarily produced by the microbially-mediated nitrification and denitrification processes in soils. It is influenced by a suite of climate (i.e. temperature and rainfall) and soil (physical and chemical) variables, interacting soil and plant nitrogen (N) transformations (either competing or supplying substrates) as well as land management practices. It is not surprising that N2O emissions are highly variable both spatially and temporally. Computer simulation models, which can integrate all of these variables, are required for the complex task of providing quantitative determinations of N2O emissions. Numerous simulation models have been developed to predict N2O production. Each model has its own philosophy in constructing simulation components as well as performance strengths. The models range from those that attempt to comprehensively simulate all soil processes to more empirical approaches requiring minimal input data. These N2O simulation models can be classified into three categories: laboratory, field and regional/global levels. Process-based field-scale N2O simulation models, which simulate whole agroecosystems and can be used to develop N2O mitigation measures, are the most widely used. The current challenge is how to scale up the relatively more robust field-scale model to catchment, regional and national scales. This paper reviews the development history, main construction components, strengths, limitations and applications of N2O emissions models, which have been published in the literature. The three scale levels are considered and the current knowledge gaps and challenges in modelling N2O emissions from soils are discussed.
Resumo:
Historically, the development philosophy for the two Territories of Papua and New Guinea (known as TPNG, formerly two territories, Papua and New Guinea) was equated with economic development, with a focus on agricultural development. To achieve the modification or complete change in indigenous farming systems the Australian Government’s Department of External Territories adopted and utilised a programme based on agricultural extension. Prior to World War II, under Australian administration, the economic development of these two territories, as in many colonies of the time, was based on the institution of the plantation. Little was initiated in agriculture development for indigenous people. This changed after World War II to a rationale based on the promotion and advancement of primary industry, but also came to include indigenous farmers. To develop agriculture within a colony it was thought that a modification to, or in some cases the complete transformation of, existing farming systems was necessary to improve the material welfare of the population. It was also seen to be a guarantee for the future national interest of the sovereign state after independence was granted. The Didiman and Didimisis became the frontline, field operatives of this theoretical model of development. This thesis examines the Didiman’s field operations, the structural organisation of agricultural administration and the application of policy in the two territories.