933 resultados para 3rd-person


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The mental ability to take the perspective of another person may depend on one's own bodily awareness and experience. In the present study, the former was defined as having a history of an eating disorder, and the latter variable was defined as formal experience with dance. The study used a 2 × 2 × 2 factorial design in which reaction times in two mental perspective taking tasks were compared between female dancers and non-dancers with and without a former eating disorder. Participants were asked to imagine two perspectives: i) the position of front-facing and back-facing figures (3rd person perspective taking task) and ii) that these same figures are a self reflection in a mirror (1st person perspective taking task). In both tasks, a particular hand was indicated in the presented figures, and the participants had to decide whether the hand represented their own left or right hand. Overall, responses were slower for front-facing than back-facing figures in the 3rd person perspective taking task, and for back-facing than front-facing figures in the 1st person perspective taking task. Importantly, having a former history of an eating disorder related to a decreased performance in the 3rd person perspective taking task, but only in participants without dance experience. Results from an additional control group (a history of exercise but no dance experience) indicated that dance is particularly beneficial for mental bodily perspective taking. Dance experience, more so than exercise in general, can benefit 3rd person or extrapersonal perspective taking, supporting the favourable impact this exercise has on own body processing

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Prosodic /template Morphology, that "draws heavily on the theoretical apparatus and formalisms of the generative phonology model known as autosegmental phonology" (Katamba, F. 1993: 154), is the best analysis that can handle Arabic morphology. Verbs in Arabic are represented on three independent tiers: root tier, the skeletal tier and the vocalic melody tier (Katamba, F. 1993). Vowel morphemes, which are represented by diacritics, are inserted within the consonant morphemes, which are represented by primary symbols, to form words. The morpheme tier hypothesis paves the way to understand the nonconcatenative Arabic morphology. This paper analyzes gender in perfect active and passive 3rd person singular verbs on the basis of PM. The focus of the analysis shall be drawn heavily on the most common Arabic verbs; triconsonantal verbs, with brief introduction of the less common verbs; quadriconsonantal perfect active and passive masculine and feminine 3rd person singular verbs. I shall, too, cast the light on some vowel changes that some verbs undergo when voice changes.

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This study examined the effects of political identity and the changing intergroup context on communication perceptions during an election campaign. Perceptions of media bias and of campaign impact on self and others were assessed before and after the election. The responses of politically aligned voters reflected their membership in a dominant or subordinate group preelection and in a losing or winning group postelection. Dominant group members were initially less biased in their views of the campaign and its impact but sought to blame their party's loss on media bias and on the gullibility of political out-group members and voters in general. Subordinate group members initially showed strong in-group-serving biases but were less critical of the media and the electorate after their party had won. Results highlight the dynamic, intergroup, nature of media perceptions.

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People typically perceive negative media content (e.g., violence) to have more impact on others than on themselves (a third-person effect). To examine the perceived effects of positive content (e.g., public-service advertisements) and the moderating role of social identities, we examined students' perceptions of the impact of AIDS advertisements on self, students (in- group), nonstudents (out-group), and people in general. Perceived self-other differences varied with the salience of student identity. Low identifiers displayed the typical third-person effect, whereas high identifiers were more willing to acknowledge impact on themselves and the student in-group. Further, when influence was normatively accept able within the in-group, high identifiers perceived self and students (us) as more influenced than nonstudents (them). The theoretical and practical implications of this reversal in third-person perceptions are discussed.

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This paper examines the syntax of indirect objects (IO) in Brazilian Portuguese (BP). Adopting a comparative perspective we propose that BP differs from European Portuguese (EP) in the grammatical encoding of IO. In EP ditransitive contexts, IO is found in two configurations - one projected by a (low) applicative head and another one involving a lexical/true preposition. We propose that the former property is contingent upon the presence of dative Case marking: namely, the morpheme `a` that introduces IO (a-DP), whose corresponding clitic pronoun is `lhe/lhes`. In contrast, important changes in the pronominal system, coupled with the increase in the use of the preposition `para` are taken as evidence for the loss of the low applicative construction in BP. Thus only the configuration with the lexical/true preposition is found in (Standard) BP. We argue that the innovative properties of IO in BP are due to the loss of the (3rd person) dative clitic and the preposition `a` as dative Case markers. Under this view, we further account for the realization of IO as a DP/weak pronoun, found in dialects of the central region of Brazil, which points to a similarity with the English Double Object Construction. Finally we show that the connection between the morphological expression of the dative Case and the expression of parameters supports a view of syntactic change according to which parametric variation is determined in the lexicon, in terms of the formal features of functional heads.

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Diversas pesquisas apontam um contínuo desuso dos clíticos de 3ª pessoa (lhe, o, a, os, as e suas variantes) na modalidade oral do Português Brasileiro (PB), sendo substituídos pelo pronome reto, pelo objeto nulo ou pela repetição do sintagma a que eles fazem referência. Por outro lado, os clíticos de 3ª pessoa aparecem comumente em textos escritos veiculados pela mídia, bem como nos estilos mais formais da língua falada, o que faz com que esses elementos constem dos programas da disciplina Língua Portuguesa, nas escolas brasileiras. Dessa feita, esta pesquisa tem por objetivo descrever esse processo de aprendizagem do ponto de vista linguístico e social, procurando investigar como as crianças interpretam o uso dessas formas – e, por conseguinte, da variedade padrão da língua –, e se e/ou como a escola favorece a aprendizagem dessas formas. Para respondermos a essas perguntas, procedemos a uma pesquisa sociolinguística, que analisa os fatores linguísticos e sociais que poderiam influenciar essa aprendizagem. Para tanto, os clíticos de 3ª pessoa foram trabalhados gradualmente durante um ano letivo. Assim, o corpus desta pesquisa compõe-se de textos escritos livremente e de testes de compreensão – que visava verificar a compreensão dos clíticos presentes em textos infantis – e de desempenho – que consistia na substituição de expressões pelos clíticos adequados. Os dados foram colhidos em uma turma de 4º ano do Ensino Fundamental durante 10 meses letivos, numa escola pública de Belo Horizonte, Minas Gerais, cujos alunos pertencem a diferentes níveis socioeconômicos. Os resultados obtidos revelam que: i) o contexto em que o clítico é inserido contribui significativamente para a sua compreensão; ii) com relação aos fatores extralinguísticos, os alunos, independentemente de sua origem social e sexo/gênero, apresentam dificuldades em compreender os clíticos; entretanto, há uma leve tendência de um melhor aproveitamento quanto aos meninos da classe socioeconômica favorecida

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To test hypotheses about the universality of personality traits, college students in 50 cultures identified an adult or college-aged man or woman whom they knew well and rated the 11,985 targets using the 3rd-person version of the Revised NEO Personality Inventory. Factor analyses within cultures showed that the normative American self-report structure was clearly replicated in most cultures and was recognizable in all. Sex differences replicated earlier self-report results, with the most pronounced differences in Western cultures. Cross-sectional age differences for 3 factors followed the pattern identified in self-reports, with moderate rates of change during college age and slower changes after age 40. With a few exceptions, these data support the hypothesis that features of personality traits are common to all human groups.

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The present study focuses on the zero person constructions both in Finnish and Estonian. In the zero person construction, there is no overt subject and the verb is in the 3rd person singular form: Fin. Tammikuussa voi hiihtää Etelä-Suomessakin. Est. Jaanuaris saab suusatada ka Lõuna-Soomes ‘In January one can ski even in South-Finland’. The meaning of the zero construction is usually considered generic and open. However, the zero may be interpreted as indexically open so that the reference can be construed from the context. This study demonstrates how the zero may be interpreted as referring to the speaker, the addressee, or anybody. The zero person construction in Finnish has been contrasted to the generic pronoun constructions in Indo-European languages. For example, the zero person is translated in English as you or one; in Swedish and German as man. The grammar and semantics of the Finnish zero person construction have been studied earlier to some extent. However, the differences and similarities between Finnish and Estonian, two closely related languages, have not been thoroughly studied before. The present doctoral thesis sheds light on the zero person construction, its use, functions, and interpretation both in Finnish and Estonian. The approach taken is contrastive. The data comes from magazine articles published in Finnish and translated into Estonian. The data consists of Finnish sentences with the zero person and their Estonian translations. In addition, the data includes literary fiction, and non-translated Estonian corpora texts as well. Estonian and Finnish are closely related and in principle the personal system of the two languages is almost identical, nevertheless, there are interesting differences. The present study shows that the zero person construction is not as common in Estonian as it is in Finnish. In my data, a typical sentence with the zero person in both languages is a generic statement which tells us what can or cannot be done. When making generic statements the two languages are relatively similar, especially when the zero person is used together with a modal verb. The modal verbs (eg. Fin. voida ‘can’, saada ‘may’, täytyä ‘must’; Est. võima ‘may’, saama ‘can’, tulema ’must’) are the most common verbs in both Finnish and Estonian zero person constructions. Significant differences appear when a non-modal verb is used. Overall, non-modal verbs are used less frequently in both languages. Verbs with relatively low agentivity or intentionality, such as perception verb nähdä in Finnish and nägema in Estonian, are used in the zero person clauses in both languages to certain extent. Verbs with more agentive and intentional properties are not used in the Estonian zero person clauses; in Finnish their use is restricted to specific context. The if–then-frame provides a suitable context for the zero person in Finnish, and the Finnish zero person may occur together with any kind of verb in conditional if-clause. Estonian if-clauses are not suitable contexts for zero person. There is usually a da-infinitive, a generic 2nd person singular or a passive form instead of the zero person in Estonian counterparts for Finnish if-clauses with zero person. The aim of this study was to analyze motivations for choosing the zero person in certain contexts. In Estonian, the use of the zero person constructions is more limited than in Finnish, and some of the constraints are grammatical. On the other hand, some of the constraints are motivated by the differences in actual language use. Contrasting the two languages reveals interesting differences and similarities between these two languages and shows how these languages may use similar means differently.

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L’observation d’un modèle pratiquant une habileté motrice promeut l’apprentissage de l’habileté en question. Toutefois, peu de chercheurs se sont attardés à étudier les caractéristiques d’un bon modèle et à mettre en évidence les conditions d’observation pouvant optimiser l’apprentissage. Dans les trois études composant cette thèse, nous avons examiné les effets du niveau d’habileté du modèle, de la latéralité du modèle, du point de vue auquel l’observateur est placé, et du mode de présentation de l’information sur l’apprentissage d’une tâche de timing séquentielle composée de quatre segments. Dans la première expérience de la première étude, les participants observaient soit un novice, soit un expert, soit un novice et un expert. Les résultats des tests de rétention et de transfert ont révélé que l’observation d’un novice était moins bénéfique pour l’apprentissage que le fait d’observer un expert ou une combinaison des deux (condition mixte). Par ailleurs, il semblerait que l’observation combinée de modèles novice et expert induise un mouvement plus stable et une meilleure généralisation du timing relatif imposé comparativement aux deux autres conditions. Dans la seconde expérience, nous voulions déterminer si un certain type de performance chez un novice (très variable, avec ou sans amélioration de la performance) dans l’observation d’une condition mixte amenait un meilleur apprentissage de la tâche. Aucune différence significative n’a été observée entre les différents types de modèle novices employés dans l’observation de la condition mixte. Ces résultats suggèrent qu’une observation mixte fournit une représentation précise de ce qu’il faut faire (modèle expert) et que l’apprentissage est d’autant plus amélioré lorsque l’apprenant peut contraster cela avec la performance de modèles ayant moins de succès. Dans notre seconde étude, des participants droitiers devaient observer un modèle à la première ou à la troisième personne. L’observation d’un modèle utilisant la même main préférentielle que soi induit un meilleur apprentissage de la tâche que l’observation d’un modèle dont la dominance latérale est opposée à la sienne, et ce, quel que soit l’angle d’observation. Ce résultat suggère que le réseau d’observation de l’action (AON) est plus sensible à la latéralité du modèle qu’à l’angle de vue de l’observateur. Ainsi, le réseau d’observation de l’action semble lié à des régions sensorimotrices du cerveau qui simulent la programmation motrice comme si le mouvement observé était réalisé par sa propre main dominante. Pour finir, dans la troisième étude, nous nous sommes intéressés à déterminer si le mode de présentation (en direct ou en vidéo) influait sur l’apprentissage par observation et si cet effet est modulé par le point de vue de l’observateur (première ou troisième personne). Pour cela, les participants observaient soit un modèle en direct soit une présentation vidéo du modèle et ceci avec une vue soit à la première soit à la troisième personne. Nos résultats ont révélé que l’observation ne diffère pas significativement selon le type de présentation utilisée ou le point de vue auquel l’observateur est placé. Ces résultats sont contraires aux prédictions découlant des études d’imagerie cérébrale ayant montré une activation plus importante du cortex sensorimoteur lors d’une observation en direct comparée à une observation vidéo et de la première personne comparée à la troisième personne. Dans l’ensemble, nos résultats indiquent que le niveau d’habileté du modèle et sa latéralité sont des déterminants importants de l’apprentissage par observation alors que le point de vue de l’observateur et le moyen de présentation n’ont pas d’effets significatifs sur l’apprentissage d’une tâche motrice. De plus, nos résultats suggèrent que la plus grande activation du réseau d’observation de l’action révélée par les études en imagerie mentale durant l’observation d’une action n’induit pas nécessairement un meilleur apprentissage de la tâche.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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The full-body control of virtual characters is a promising technique for application fields such as Virtual Prototyping. However it is important to assess to what extent the user full-body behavior is modified when immersed in a virtual environment. In the present study we have measured reach durations for two types of task (controlling a simple rigid shape vs. a virtual character) and two types of viewpoint (1st person vs. 3rd person). The paper first describes the architecture of the motion capture approach retained for the on-line full-body reach experiment. We then present reach measurement results performed in a non-virtual environment. They show that the target height parameter leads to reach duration variation of ∓25% around the average duration for the highest and lowest targets. This characteristic is highly accentuated in the virtual world as analyzed in the discussion section. In particular, the discrepancy observed for the first person viewpoint modality suggests to adopt a third person viewpoint when controling the posture of a virtual character in a virtual environment.

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This article describes the formal behavior of some elements found in Mapudungun (isolate, South America): a question particle, a postposition, and several 3rd-person markers. Framed in terms of current theories of phonological and grammatical words, the paper argues that a useful characterization of the Mapudungun elements under scrutiny should acknowledge (a) that clitics are interestingly heterogeneous regarding how different bound elements stand in paradigmatic opposition to each other, and (b) that some of these elements can be meaningfully be called anti-clitics (i.e., they are p-words that are part of larger g-words).