May the best Tweeter win : The Twitter strategies of key campaign accounts in the 2012 US election

The 2008 US election has been heralded as the first presidential election of the social media era, but took place at a time when social media were still in a state of comparative infancy; so much so that the most important platform was not Facebook or Twitter, but the purpose-built campaign site my.barackobama.com, which became the central vehicle for the most successful electoral fundraising campaign in American history. By 2012, the social media landscape had changed: Facebook and, to a somewhat lesser extent, Twitter are now well-established as the leading social media platforms in the United States, and were used extensively by the campaign organisations of both candidates. As third-party spaces controlled by independent commercial entities, however, their use necessarily differs from that of home-grown, party-controlled sites: from the point of view of the platform itself, a @BarackObama or @MittRomney is technically no different from any other account, except for the very high follower count and an exceptional volume of @mentions. In spite of the significant social media experience which Democrat and Republican campaign strategists had already accumulated during the 2008 campaign, therefore, the translation of such experience to the use of Facebook and Twitter in their 2012 incarnations still required a substantial amount of new work, experimentation, and evaluation. This chapter examines the Twitter strategies of the leading accounts operated by both campaign headquarters: the ‘personal’ candidate accounts @BarackObama and @MittRomney as well as @JoeBiden and @PaulRyanVP, and the campaign accounts @Obama2012 and @TeamRomney. Drawing on datasets which capture all tweets from and at these accounts during the final months of the campaign (from early September 2012 to the immediate aftermath of the election night), we reconstruct the campaigns’ approaches to using Twitter for electioneering from the quantitative and qualitative patterns of their activities, and explore the resonance which these accounts have found with the wider Twitter userbase. A particular focus of our investigation in this context will be on the tweeting styles of these accounts: the mixture of original messages, @replies, and retweets, and the level and nature of engagement with everyday Twitter followers. We will examine whether the accounts chose to respond (by @replying) to the messages of support or criticism which were directed at them, whether they retweeted any such messages (and whether there was any preferential retweeting of influential or – alternatively – demonstratively ordinary users), and/or whether they were used mainly to broadcast and disseminate prepared campaign messages. Our analysis will highlight any significant differences between the accounts we examine, trace changes in style over the course of the final campaign months, and correlate such stylistic differences with the respective electoral positioning of the candidates. Further, we examine the use of these accounts during moments of heightened attention (such as the presidential and vice-presidential debates, or in the context of controversies such as that caused by the publication of the Romney “47%” video; additional case studies may emerge over the remainder of the campaign) to explore how they were used to present or defend key talking points, and exploit or avert damage from campaign gaffes. A complementary analysis of the messages directed at the campaign accounts (in the form of @replies or retweets) will also provide further evidence for the extent to which these talking points were picked up and disseminated by the wider Twitter population. Finally, we also explore the use of external materials (links to articles, images, videos, and other content on the campaign sites themselves, in the mainstream media, or on other platforms) by the campaign accounts, and the resonance which these materials had with the wider follower base of these accounts. This provides an indication of the integration of Twitter into the overall campaigning process, by highlighting how the platform was used as a means of encouraging the viral spread of campaign propaganda (such as advertising materials) or of directing user attention towards favourable media coverage. By building on comprehensive, large datasets of Twitter activity (as of early October, our combined datasets comprise some 3.8 million tweets) which we process and analyse using custom-designed social media analytics tools, and by using our initial quantitative analysis to guide further qualitative evaluation of Twitter activity around these campaign accounts, we are able to provide an in-depth picture of the use of Twitter in political campaigning during the 2012 US election which will provide detailed new insights social media use in contemporary elections. This analysis will then also be able to serve as a touchstone for the analysis of social media use in subsequent elections, in the USA as well as in other developed nations where Twitter and other social media platforms are utilised in electioneering.

Informed democracy : information experiences during the 2012 Queensland election

This chapter presents the preliminary findings of a qualitative study exploring people’s information experiences during the 2012 Queensland State election in Australia. Six residents of South East Queensland who were eligible to vote in the state election participated in a semi-structured interview. The interviews revealed five themes that depict participants’ information experience during the election: information sources, information flow, personal politics, party politics and sense making. Together these themes represent what is experienced as information, how information is experienced, as well as contextual aspects that were unique to voting in an election. The study outlined here is one in an emerging area of enquiry that has explored information experience as a research object. This study has revealed that people’s information experiences are rich, complex and dynamic, and that information experience as a construct of scholarly inquiry provides deep insights into the ways in which people relate to their information worlds. More studies exploring information experience within different contexts are needed to help develop our theoretical understanding of this important and emerging construct.

Bayesian estimation of the spatial Durbin error model with an application to voter turnout in the 2004 presidential election

The potential for spatial dependence in models of voter turnout, although plausible from a theoretical perspective, has not been adequately addressed in the literature. Using recent advances in Bayesian computation, we formulate and estimate the previously unutilized spatial Durbin error model and apply this model to the question of whether spillovers and unobserved spatial dependence in voter turnout matters from an empirical perspective. Formal Bayesian model comparison techniques are employed to compare the normal linear model, the spatially lagged X model (SLX), the spatial Durbin model, and the spatial Durbin error model. The results overwhelmingly support the spatial Durbin error model as the appropriate empirical model.

State Political Action Committee Financing and the 2008 Presidential Election: A Detailed Look at Mitt Romney and the Commonwealth PACs

This study looks at the historical context in which PACs developed, as well as the current legal environment in which they operate. It will also briefly discuss the legal and procedural challenges that candidates face and the ways in which PACs alleviate some of these pressures in ways that presidential committees cannot. An understanding of the strategic dilemmas which cause candidates to seek extraneous structures through which to establish campaign networks is essential to extrapolating the potential future of campaign finance strategy. Furthermore, this study provides an in-depth analysis of the state Commonwealth PACs both in terms of fundraising and spending, and discusses the central issues this state PAC strategy raises with respect to campaign finance law. The study will conclude with a look into the future of campaign financing and the role these state-level PACs may play if current rules are not revised.

Some serious considerations on the present state of parties, with regard to the presidential election : with the author's own case fairly stated, and submitted to all candid and compassionate men /

Mode of access: Internet.

An appeal to the voluntary citizens of the United States, from all nations, on the exercise of their elective franchise, at the approaching presidential election /

Also reprinted, with a few minor changes, for campaign of 1844.

The politician's manual : containing returns of elections in the United States, particularly the presidential election of 1832, with election laws, and other useful information /

Checklist Amer. imprints

The sons of the sires; a history of the rise, progress, and destiny of the American party, and its probable influence on the next presidential election. To which is added a review of the letter of the Hon. Henry A. Wise, against the Know-nothings.

Mode of access: Internet.

Racism, nationalism and right-wing extremism online: The Austrian Presidential Election 2016 on Facebook

Thee 2016 Austrian presidential election saw a run-o between the Green party candidate Alexander Van der Bellen and the Freedom Party of Austria’s (FPÖ) far-right candidate Norbert Hofer. This paper asks: How did voters of Hofer express their support on Facebook? It presents the results of a qualitative ideology analysis of 6755 comments about the presidential election posted on the Facebook pages of FPÖ leader Heinz-Christian Strache and FPÖ candidate Hofer. The results reveal insights into the contemporary political role of the online leadership ideology, online nationalism, new racism online, the friend/enemy-scheme online, and online militancy. Right-wing extremism 2.0 is a complex problem that stands in the context of contemporary crises and demagoguery.

Le reporter comme théoricien : une dimension négligée du journalisme politique

Cette thèse examine les théories politiques profanes qui sont mises de l’avant dans les articles et les reportages des journalistes politiques. Par «théories profanes», nous entendons les constructions intellectuelles informelles qui aident les journalistes à appréhender et à concevoir la vie politique. Nous les définissons ici par opposition aux théories scientifiques des universitaires. Ces théories sont examinées sous trois angles différents, au travers de trois articles scientifiques distincts. Notre principal objectif est de déterminer dans quelle mesure et pour quelles raisons les théories journalistiques profanes convergent ou divergent des théories universitaires scientifiques. Au premier chapitre, nous nous demandons ce que les journalistes font, en nous attardant aux critères sur lesquels ces derniers s’appuient pour analyser la personnalité des chefs de partis politiques. Plus précisément, nous cherchons à savoir si les journalistes tiennent compte des considérations politiques jugées importantes par les citoyens. Afin d’atteindre cet objectif, nous réalisons une analyse de contenu des reportages diffusés dans les grands bulletins d’information télévisés au sujet de l’ex-chef du Parti québécois, André Boisclair. Au second chapitre, nous poussons notre réflexion un cran plus loin en nous demandant ce que les journalistes disent précisément dans les théories qu’ils développent. Pour ce faire, nous examinons les théories développées par les journalistes pour expliquer le comportement des parlementaires. De manière spécifique, nous contrastons les théories académiques de la dissidence politique avec ce qui s’est écrit dans les grands journaux canadiens à l’occasion de quatre votes particulièrement serrés ayant eu lieu à la Chambre des communes à propos de la prolongation de la mission canadienne en Afghanistan et de l’abolition du registre des armes d’épaule. Enfin, nous nous attardons à ce que les journalistes pensent de leurs propres théories, en les interrogeant sur les raisons qui les poussent à mettre ces dernières de l’avant et sur la manière dont ils s’y prennent pour les développer. Nous nous attardons aux mécanismes qui rythment la pensée des journalistes et nous portons notre regard sur les matériaux dont ceux-ci se servent pour construire les théories qu’ils incluent dans leurs reportages. Pour ce faire, nous réalisons des entrevues semi-dirigées avec des journalistes politiques affectés à la couverture de l’élection présidentielle française de 2012. Nos questions portent notamment sur le chemin intellectuel qu’ils parcourent lorsqu’ils tentent de comprendre et d’expliquer le comportement des politiciens, ainsi que sur la façon dont ils conçoivent les campagnes électorales et le rôle qu’ils sont appelés à jouer à l’intérieur de celles-ci. Nos conclusions sont à l’effet que les journalistes construisent bel et bien des théories profanes de la vie politique afin d’aller au-delà des simples comptes rendus factuels et de répondre à ce qu’ils considèrent être une nécessité de leur travail. Les théories qu’ils mettent de l’avant tiennent compte des considérations politiques jugées importantes par les électeurs, et elles ont des traits communs avec certaines des idées sous-tendues par les théories scientifiques des universitaires. Ces théories s’articulent autour des observations que font les journalistes, et des conversations auxquelles ils prennent part ou dont ils sont témoins. Elles reflètent la plupart du temps l’expérience ou le vécu du journaliste. Les théories journalistiques profanes se distinguent toutefois des théories scientifiques en ce qu’elles ne sont ni formalisées, ni explicitement nommées. Elles n’ont pas la sophistication des théories universitaires, et elles sont parfois reléguées à l’arrière-plan de la couverture médiatique au bénéfice d’aspects plus théâtraux de la vie politique. Les journalistes développent par contre des mécanismes pour valider leurs théories. La contribution de cette thèse à l’avancement des connaissances se manifeste sur les plans conceptuel, théorique et empirique. Sur le plan conceptuel, nous étayons davantage le concept des théories journalistiques. Notre thèse permet de mieux comprendre la couverture médiatique de la politique, en mettant en lumière un de ses aspects jusqu’ici négligé par les politologues, soit le fait que les journalistes construisent et utilisent des théories politiques qui leur sont propres pour appréhender l’univers au sein duquel ils évoluent. Sur le plan théorique, nous faisons ressortir les objectifs et les impératifs qui guident les journalistes qui développent ces théories. Enfin, sur le plan empirique, nous donnons pour une rare fois l’occasion aux journalistes de s’exprimer sur la manière dont ils perçoivent leur propre travail.