997 resultados para 1869-1958


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At head of title: Alabama Centennial Commission.

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Pl. no. A.E.L.74.

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v. 1. Washtenaw, Westphalia, Frankenmuth, Detroit, 1848.-- v. 2. St. Lorenz Congregation.-- v. 3. The German Indian missions in Michigan

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Mode of access: Internet.

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Correspondence, reports, minutes, manuscripts, and clippings relating to the activities of Wolf, Mowshowitch, and the Joint Foreign Committee, as well as to the political situation of Jews in various countries and to the Paris Peace Conference. Papers of Lucien Wolf include his diary, lectures on English-German relations and English-Russian relations; bibliography of Wolf's works on Jewish themes; clippings of Wolf's articles; congratulations on his seventieth birthday; article on his last interview with Chamberlain; and correspondence with parents, 1869-1882, A. Abrahams, 1914-1925, Chief Rabbi Dr. J.H. Hertz, 1892-1923, Clara Melchior, 1913-1929, Jacob Schiff, 1910, Maxim Vinawer, 1917, Mark Wischnitzer, 1926-1928, Lord Robert Cecil, 1916-1919, Lord Rothschild, 1906, Cyrus Adler, Count J. Bernstorff, Szymon Ashkenazy, Solomon Dingol, Louis Marshall, Claude G. Montefiore, Sir Edward Sassoon, Jacob Schiff, Lord William Selborne, Nakhum Sokolow, Oscar Straus, Chaim Weizmann, the American Jewish Congress, 1916-1923, Hilfsverein der Deutschen Juden, 1913, and Jewish Historical Society of England.

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Maestro y precursor de la Instituci??n Libre de Ense??anza fue el introductor del krausismo en Espa??a, a quien Giner, padre de la misma y colaboradores m??s inmediatos deben fidelidad a una conducta ejemplar e insobornable, al principio de libertad de la ciencia y de la educaci??n , que fue el esp??ritu inspirador de los institucionistas. Figura clave del pensamiento espa??ol moderno, al ser el iniciador de una corriente ideol??gica innovadora de muy acusados caracteres pedag??gicos y de honda raiz religiosa, aunque de envoltura laica, que pretend??a formar un hombre hisp??nico, libre de los defectos at??vicos de la raza. El krausismo se enfrenta con el escolasticismo, a nivel filos??fico y con el tradicionalismo a nivel pol??tico. Su car??cter sistem??tico, moralizante y totalizador era muy ??til para la reforma de los individuos y de la sociedad que pretend??an en Espa??a Sanz del R??o y sus disc??pulos. Siempre tuvo una seria y honesta voluntad no siempre afortunada, de incorporara a Espa??a la vanguardia intelectual de Europa y que no pudiera lograrse entonces, como tampoco despu??s, no fue culpa suya. Pero abri?? caminos al pensamiento anquilosado de su tiempo y fue un adelantado que posibilit??, ya en nuestros d??as, las v??as de las nuevas ideas a las generaciones posteriores a ??l. Influy?? sobre los futuros institucionistas ya que trata de conciliar la religi??n con la metaf??sica. Ideas b??sicas: universidad libre y la libre ense??anza; distinci??n krausista entre historia interna e historia externa; principio institucionista de hacer hombres; unidad org??nica del ser humano; emancipaci??n intelectual, la educaci??n cient??fica y austeridad moral; asimilaci??n y comunicaci??n de los pueblos entre si como misi??n esencial de Europa; imperativo moral; comunicaci??n profesor-alumno; amor a la naturaleza. p. 27.

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The study discusses the position of France as the United States’ ally in NATO in 1956-1958. The concrete position of France and the role that it was envisioned to have are being treated from the point of view of three participants of the Cold War: France, the United States and the Soviet Union. How did these different parties perceive the question and did these views change when the French Fourth Republic turned into the Fifth in 1958? The study is based on published French and American documents of Foreign Affairs. Because of problems with accessibility to the Soviet archival sources, the study uses reports on France-NATO relations of Pravda newspaper, the official organ of the Communist Party of the USSR, to provide information about how the Soviet side saw the question. Due to the nature and use of source material, and the chronological structure of the work, the study belongs methodologically to the research field of History of International Relations. As distinct from political scientists’ field of research, more prone to theorize, the study is characteristically a historical research, a work based on qualitative method and original sources that aims at creating a coherent narrative of the views expressed during the period covered by the study. France’s road to a full membership of NATO is being treated on the basis of research literature, after which discussions about France’s position in the Western Alliance are being chronologically traced for the period of last years of the Fourth Republic and the immediate months of coming back to power of Charles de Gaulle. Right from the spring of 1956 there can be seen aspirations of France, on one hand, to maintain her freedom of action inside the Western Alliance and, on the other, to widen the dialogue between the allies. The decision on France’s own nuclear deterrent was made already during the Fourth Republic, when it was thought to become part of NATO’s common defence. This was to change with de Gaulle. The USA felt that France still fancied herself as a great power and that she could not participate in full in NATO’s common defence because of her colonies. The Soviet Union saw the concrete position of France in the Alliance as in complete dependence on the USA, but her desired role was expressed largely in “Gaullist” terms. The expressions used by the General and the Soviet propaganda were close to each other, but the Soviet Union could not support de Gaulle without endangering the position of the French Communist Party. Between the Fourth and Fifth Republics no great rupture in content took place concerning the views of France’s role and position in the Western Alliance. The questions posed by de Gaulle had been expressed during the whole period of Fourth Republic’s existence. Instead, along with the General the weight and rhetoric of these questions saw a great change. Already in the early phase the Americans saw it possible that with de Gaulle, France would try to change her role. The rupture took place in the form of expression, rather than in its content.

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Family history and genealogy of Feibelmann family.