837 resultados para 1518
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Abstract: The late antique destruction of two bronze statues of Pausanias - the Spartan general responsible for the Greek victory at the Battle of Plataea (479 BC) - housed in the temple of Athena Chalkioikos in Sparta (Lib. Ep. 1518), has been interpreted as one of the few cases of a violent conflict between pagan and Christian population in Greece. Nevertheless the sources suggest that late antique Sparta was a bastion of Hellenic paganism and give a picture of a small and quiet town ruled by a pagan educated élite, where pagans like Libanius wanted to live. Since there is no evidence of a violent conflict between pagans and Christians in Sparta, and Libanius confirms that in 365 AD all the temples and cult statues were still in place, this paper addresses the issue from a different point of view and offers a new contribution to the history of Sparta in Late Antiquity. By using literary, archaeological and epigraphic evidence the paper explores: 1) the relationship between Roman administration and Spartan élite in the IVth century AD; 2) the historical memory of Pausanias in Late Antiquity. It will be emphasized that the obscure burning of the two statues helped to remove from Sparta the memory of Pausanias - a controversial figure, misrepresented in Late Antiquity and connected to the ancient staseis in Laconia - in order to promote a positive image of Sparta as a city without conflicts and ruled by the political system of Lycurgus (eunomia). As documented by local inscriptions in praise of late Roman governors, the mythical lawgiver Lycurgus was the paradigm of the imperial governors who rebuilded the town in the IVth cent. AD. It can be assumed that while Rome, Constantinople, Antioch and Athens were troubled by political and religious violence or by seditions between different factions, Sparta aimed to revive its traditional model of civic order in the new historical context of Late Antiquity.
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Contient : 1 « Copie d'unes lectres patentes du roy nostre sire, données à Amboise le XVIme jour de decembre 1516, par lesquelles appert led. Sr avoir commis et deputé maistre Josse de La Garde, docteur en theologie, vicaire general de l'eglise cathedral de Thouloze, commissaire touchant le faict de la croisade aud. diocèse de Thouloze ». Acte de FRANÇOIS Ier, en latin ; 2 « Autre copie des instructions envoiées par le roy à messire Josse de La Garde... commis et depputé par led. Sr et par Reverend père en Dieu, monsieur l'evesque de Tricary, ambassadeur devers icelluy Sr pour nostre saint père le pape, touchant le fait et execution de la bulle octroiée et decernée par lui du jubillé et croisade en ce royaume, durant deux années finies 1517 et 1518, desquelles instructions cy rendues la teneur s'ensuit... » ; 3 « Autre copie des memoires signéez (sic) de la main du roy, envoyez aud. commissaire pour le fait de lad. croisade, dont la teneur s'ensuit... » ; 4 « Autre copie des lectres de très reverend père ANTHOINE BOHIER, cardinal de Bourges, et de reverend père en Dieu LOYS DE CANOSSA, evesque de Bayeulx et de Tricary, commissaire en ceste partie, depputez par nostre sainct pere le pappe, par lesquelles usant du pouvoir à eulx sur ce donné, ilz ont permys et octroyé aux prescheurs de la croisade et jubillé le quinton de deniers et oblations qui y seront donnez par ceulx qui devotement y donneront de leurs biens, desquelles lectres la teneur s'ensuit... ». Rouen 16 decembre et Bayeux 20 décembre 1517. En latin ; 5-7 « Autre copie de troys lectres missives du roy » FRANÇOIS Ier, « adressées à Jehan Cluchern (sic) receveur de lad. croisade, à messire Raymond Raffin, contrerolleur, et à messire Josse de La Garde, vicaire general, commissaire subdelegué, par lesquelles le roy nostre dict seigneur leur mande vacquer et entendre chascun en son regard au fait et execution » de « sa commission, desquelles lectres missives subsecutives les teneurs s'ensuivent... ». Amboise, 17 décembre 1516 ; 8 « Compte de maistre Jehan Clucher, notaire royal, bourgeoys de Thouloze, commis par le roy nostre sire et ses lectres missives données à Amboise, le XVIIe jour de decembre, l'an 1516, à faire la recepte ou diocèse de Thouloze, des deniers provenans et yssans du jubillé et pardon general de plainière remission donné et concedé par nostre sainct père le pape » Leon X, « durant deux ans à tous vrays chrestiens de ce royaume, pays, terres et seigneuries, de l'obeissance et subjection du roy nostredict seigneur, lesquelz donneroient et eslargiroient de leurs biens pour employer à faire la guerre aux infidelles et conquerir la terre saincte et empire de Grèce, detenuz et usurpez par lesdicts infidelles... de la recepte et despense faictes par ledict maistre Jehan Clucher, receveur, à cause des deniers yssuz et provenuz aud. diocèse de Thouloze, tant pour les confessionnaulx que pour les deniers du jubillé prins et trouvez ès troncqs estans tant en lad. ville de Thouloze que dehors, speciffiez et declairez en ung cayer de papier signé et arresté de la main dudict messire Josse de La Garde, commissaire, et dudict messire Raymond Raffin contreroolleur, compte rendu à court par Guillaume Voisin, procureur dudict maistre Jehan Clucher, fondé par lectres de procuracion... comme il s'ensuit... ». A la fin on lit les signatures : « P. archiepiscopus Aquensis,... d'Albyac,... Riveroy »
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Telemann. [Text: Gottfried Simonis]
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Includes indexes.
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One of the earliest examples of works printed by Richard Pynson, the King's Printer between 1508 and 1530, to make reference to the fact that the work in question was printed under the protection of the King. The royal printing privilege provided one of two different models for preventing the unauthorised reproduction of works after publication which prefigured the introduction of statutory copyright in the early eighteenth century.The commentary describes the early attitudes of the monarchy towards the regulation of the printing trade within England, and the exercise of the royal prerogative in granting printing privileges not just to the royal printer, but to other favoured subjects both in relation to individual works as well as to entire classes of work (with the latter more often referred to as printing patents).
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Purpose: Television viewing time, independent of leisure-time physical activity, has cross-sectional relationships with the metabolic syndrome and its individual components. We examined whether baseline and five-year changes in self-reported television viewing time are associated with changes in continuous biomarkers of cardio-metabolic risk (waist circumference, triglycerides, high density lipoprotein cholesterol, systolic and diastolic blood pressure, fasting plasma glucose; and a clustered cardio-metabolic risk score) in Australian adults. Methods: AusDiab is a prospective, population-based cohort study with biological, behavioral, and demographic measures collected in 1999–2000 and 2004–2005. Non-institutionalized adults aged ≥ 25 years were measured at baseline (11,247; 55% of those completing an initial household interview); 6,400 took part in the five-year follow-up biomedical examination, and 3,846 met the inclusion criteria for this analysis. Multiple linear regression analysis was used and unstandardized B coefficients (95% CI) are provided. Results: Baseline television viewing time (10 hours/week unit) was not significantly associated with change in any of the biomarkers of cardio-metabolic risk. Increases in television viewing time over five years (10 hours/week unit) were associated with increases in: waist circumference (cm) (men: 0.43 (0.08, 0.78), P = 0.02; women: 0.68 (0.30, 1.05), P <0.001), diastolic blood pressure (mmHg) (women: 0.47 (0.02, 0.92), P = 0.04), and the clustered cardio-metabolic risk score (women: 0.03 (0.01, 0.05), P = 0.007). These associations were independent of baseline television viewing time and baseline and change in physical activity and other potential confounders. Conclusion: These findings indicate that an increase in television viewing time is associated with adverse cardio-metabolic biomarker changes. Further prospective studies using objective measures of several sedentary behaviors are required to confirm causality of the associations found.
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Objective: We explore how accurately and quickly nurses can identify melodic medical equipment alarms when no mnemonics are used, when alarms may overlap, and when concurrent tasks are performed. Background: The international standard IEC 60601-1-8 (International Electrotechnical Commission, 2005) has proposed simple melodies to distinguish seven alarm sources. Previous studies with nonmedical participants reveal poor learning of melodic alarms and persistent confusions between some of them. The effects of domain expertise, concurrent tasks, and alarm overlaps are unknown. Method: Fourteen intensive care and general medical unit nurses learned the melodic alarms without mnemonics in two sessions on separate days. In the second half of Day 2 the nurses identified single alarms or pairs of alarms played in sequential, partially overlapping, or nearly completely overlapping configurations. For half the experimental blocks nurses performed a concurrent mental arithmetic task. Results: Nurses' learning was poor and was no better than the learning of nonnurses in a previous study. Nurses showed the previously noted confusions between alarms. Overlapping alarms were exceptionally difficult to identify. The concurrent task affected response time but not accuracy. Conclusion: Because of a failure of auditory stream segregation, the melodic alarms cannot be discriminated when they overlap. Directives to sequence the sounding of alarms in medical electrical equipment must be strictly adhered to, or the alarms must redesigned to support better auditory streaming. Application: Actual or potential uses of this research include the implementation of IEC 60601-1-8 alarms in medical electrical equipment.