859 resultados para soft power, national identity, creative models, cultural resources, creative entrepreneur
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The project aimed to analyse representations of motherhood in Polish cinema as a special case of a more general system within the representation of women. It concentrated on the image of the Polish Mother created during the 19th century in Polish culture under the influence of specific political, social and religious factors. Ms. Ostrowska's initial hypothesis was that this symbolic image became one of the most stable elements in Polish cinema and as her research revealed, it was valuable for the preservation of national identity but nevertheless a fiercely constraining model for Polish femininity. In order to fully understand the nature of this persistent image it was initially necessary to related it to broader contexts and issues in representation. These included the image of the Polish Mother within general mythological structures (using the notion of myth in the Barthesian sense). Following her initial research Ms. Ostrowska felt that it was most appropriate to view the myth of the Polish Mother as a dominant ideological structure in the discourse of motherhood within Polish culture. An analysis of the myth of the Polish Mother can provide an insight into how Polish society sees itself at different periods in time and how a national identity was constructed in relation to particular ideological demands stemming from concrete historical and political situations. The analysis of the film version of this myth also revealed some aspects of the national character of Polish cinema. There the image of woman has become enshrined as the "eternal feminine", with virtues which are inevitably derived directly from Catholicism, particularly in relation to the networks of meanings around the central figure of Mary, Mother of God. In 19th century Poland these were linked with patriotic values and images of woman became part of the defence of the very idea of Poland and Polishness. After World War Two, this religious-political image system was adapted to the demands of the new communist ideology. The possibility of manipulating the ideological dimensions of the myth of the Polish Mother is due to the very nature of the image, which as a symbol of civil religion had been able to function independently of any particular state or church institution. Although in communist ideology the stress was on the patriotic aspect of the myth, its pronounced religious aspect was also transmitted, consciously or not, in the denotation process, this being of great significance in the viewer's response to the female character. This appropriation of elements derived from the national patriotic tradition into the discourse of communist ideology was a very efficient strategy to establish the illusion of continuity in national existence, which was supposed to convince society of the rightness of the new political situation. The analysis of films made in the post-war period showed the persistence of this discourse on motherhood in a range of cinematic texts regardless of the changing political situation. Ms. Ostrowska claims that the stability of this discursive formation is to a certain extent the result of the mythological aspect of the mother figure. This mythological structure also belongs to the ideology of Romanticism which in general continues to prevail in Polish cultural discourse as a meta-language of national community. The analysis of the films confirmed the hypothesis of the Polish Mother as a myth-sign whose signifier is stable whereas the signified depends on the specific historical conditions in which it is set. Therefore in the famous propaganda documentary Kobiety naszych dni (Women of Our Days, 1951) by Jan Zelnik, and in other films made after the October 1956 "thaw" it functions as an "empty sign. She concludes that it would be difficult to deny that the myth of the Polish Mother has offered Polish women a special role in national life, granting them a high moral position in the social, hierarchy. However the processes of idealisation involved have resulted in a deprivation of her subjectivity and the right to decide about her own life. This idealisation also served to strengthen traditional patriarchal structures through this set of female obligations to the mother land. In Polish ideology it is not a man who demands sacrifice from a woman but the motherland, which, deprived of the institutions of male power for nearly 150 years, had functioned as a feminine structure. That is why oppressive aspects of the myth have been obscured for so long. While Polish women were doubtless able to accept the constrictions because of their sense of national duty and any misgivings were overridden by the argument of the cause, it is important to recognise that the strength of these constructions, compounded by the ways in which they spoke of and continue to speak of a certain perfection, make them persist into contemporary Poland. Poland is however no longer embattled and the signs that made these meanings are potentially empty. This space for meaning will be and is already being contested and increasingly colonised by current western models of femininity. Ms. Ostrowska's final question is whether this will help to prevent a possible resentful victimisation of the silent and noble Polish Mother.
Resumo:
Los nuevos comportamientos urbanos nos permiten observar cada vez con más frecuencia en nuestras calles y plazas realidades que siempre habíamos considerado domésticas. Al contrario también pasa, todos los días vivimos en nuestras casas situaciones que implican relacionarnos con personas que no son de nuestro núcleo familiar. El diseño doméstico de nuestras ciudades y el urbanismo del diseño de interiores parecen herramientas oportunas en el mundo que nos ha tocado vivir. Esto nos lleva a pensar que los espacios públicos y privados son términos simplificados, definidos en base a conceptos de propiedad para organizar la ciudad. En cambio, sus usos y vivencias, su gestión y sus comportamientos se han complejizado, distorsionando la terminología convencional hasta hacerla obsoleta. En este contexto, considerado también el marco socioeconómico actual, surgen las “acciones de abajo a arriba” como nuevo paradigma o modelo de renovación urbana, que entienden la involucración del ciudadano como parte activa en el proceso de construcción de la urbe desde la misma gestación del proyecto, frente a las acciones habituales que consideran al usuario como mero receptor de las propuestas. Un ciudadano que parece estar cada vez más radicalizado y una administración que parece asustarse ante el desconcierto que el acercamiento al ciudadano puede acarrear, han ocasionado por un lado, espacios “gueto” de carácter casi anárquico y, por el otro lado, lugares tan institucionalizados que derivan en espacios asociados a la administración y ajenos al ciudadano. Por ello, se considera imprescindible la colaboración entre ambos poderes. De acuerdo con el discurso que precede, dentro de un marco comparativo, se estudian 5 supuestos seleccionados de las ciudades Madrid y Zaragoza. Madrid porque es referencia nacional e internacional en el desarrollo urbano a través de procesos ‘abajo arriba’. Zaragoza porque es una ciudad ‘media’ que históricamente no se ha definido por estrategias urbanas claras, ya sean de carácter social o institucional. Sin embargo, en el momento actual se pueden identificar planteamientos relacionados con la recuperación de construcciones y espacios vacantes que pueden ser determinantes a la hora de alcanzar equilibrios con los intensos procesos institucionales acaecidos en las dos últimas décadas. De los procesos urbanos registrados en cada lugar, desarrollados en construcciones y espacios vacantes, he seleccionado: Construcciones Vacantes Madrid |Tabacalera de Lavapiés Zaragoza | Antiguo I.E.S. Luis Buñuel y antiguo Convento de Mínimos Espacios Vacantes Madrid | Campo de Cebada [solar] Zaragoza | Patio ‘antiguo I.E.S. Luis Buñuel [espacio libre] y plaza Eduardo Ibarra [espacio libre] El proyecto de investigación ha partido de las hipótesis de partida que siguen: UNA… Las ‘acciones de abajo arriba’ o renovación desde abajo no tienen cabida como elementos urbanos aislados sino conectados entre sí, posibilitando la producción de sinergias y la construcción de la ciudad; pudiendo ser consideradas acciones de desarrollo y enlace urbano, pues su objetivo es convertirse en motores del espacio público. Cuestión que es aplicable al resto de los procesos o acciones urbanas [‘horizontales’ o ‘institucionales’] DOS… La capacidad de adaptación manifestada por las ‘acciones de abajo arriba’ implica un marco ideológico de referencia asociado a la importancia de la construcción con mínimos recursos [Re-ocupación y/o Re- Construcción de estructuras urbanas en desuso] en los procesos urbanos descritos, como vía para comprender los concepto sostenibilidad y calidad figurativa de lo construido. Cuestión que es aplicable a la recuperación de aquellos aspectos de la arquitectura que la convierten en necesaria para la sociedad. Y tiene como objetivo: Identificar modelos de sostenibilidad urbana como una estrategia que va de lo individual a lo colectivo y que se transmite fundamentalmente con la acción, mezclando la innovación y la tecnología en múltiples ámbitos, utilizando los recursos naturales e intelectuales de una manera eficiente y entendiendo la inteligencia humana y sobre todo la inteligencia colectiva, como principio y justificación. Se han analizado los siguientes aspectos: sociales [participación ciudadana e implicación de la administración pública], urbanos [conexiones con otros colectivos o espacios urbanos / transformaciones urbanas a través de los procesos de gestión utilizados], constructivos [materiales utilizados en la re-construcción de construcciones y espacios vacantes / sistemas constructivos utilizados] y los relacionados con la sostenibilidad [sostenibilidad económica / sostenibilidad de mantenimiento / sostenibilidad funcional / inteligencia colectiva] El estudio de los aspectos considerados se ha desarrollado con las herramientas metodológicas siguientes: Entrevistas abiertas a expertos: se han obtenido respuestas de 25 personas expertas [5 por cada espacio o construcción vacante] relacionadas con las acciones urbanas sostenibles, la cultura y las relaciones sociales, y que también conocen los lugares y su entorno desde los puntos de vista urbano y construido. Son ‘tipos ideales’ asociados a uno de los cinco poderes que se manifiestan en la ciudad: el poder educativo [la universidad], el poder creativo [la cultura], el poder administrativo [la política], el poder empresarial [la empresa privada] y los usuarios [un usuario activo y representativo de cada lugar elegido que haya intervenido en la gestación del proceso]. Han sido personas que conocían el tejido social y urbano de la ciudad de Zaragoza y Madrid, ya que la herramienta ‘entrevista abierta a expertos’, recoge datos y opiniones planteadas en las construcciones y espacios vacantes ubicados en Zaragoza y Madrid. Entrevistas cerradas a usuarios: como la población de usuarios que se somete a la investigación es infinita o muy grande, resulta imposible o inconveniente realizar la obtención de los datos sobre todos aquellos elementos que la forman. Por lo tanto, he decidido estudiar sólo una parte de la población que denomino ‘tipos ideales’, obteniendo respuestas de 150 usuarios [30 personas por cada espacio o construcción vacante]. La selección de grupos de personas entrevistadas, debe permitir que los resultados sean representativos de la población total de usuarios. Además, la elección de ‘tipos ideales’ se ha identificado con los vecinos de los núcleos urbanos [o barrios] en los que se ubican las construcciones o espacios vacantes analizados. Observación estructurada: recoger información a través de la observación me ha permitido conocer las actuaciones y comportamientos de los ciudadanos en el medio urbano. Esto ha facilitado el estudio del medio a nivel práctico, valorando el uso que la sociedad da a las construcciones y a los espacios vacantes analizados. Es importante posicionar la estrategia en relación con el tema de investigación propuesto. Una estrategia que dibuje un panorama plural, desarrollado a través de herramientas sociales y constructivas que permitan que la arquitectura hable de cosas parecidas a lo que interesa a la ciudadanía. Para ello, propuse un catálogo de herramientas arquitectónicas que han permitido evaluar todas las propuestas. Un contexto de estrategias comunes que han descrito con los mismos códigos las distintas actuaciones analizadas. Estas herramientas tocan diferentes campos de interés. Desde las partes más tectónicas y constructivas, hasta las más ligadas con el desarrollo urbanístico y social. Acciones de participación colectiva: Experiencias o laboratorios urbanos participados por los alumnos del grado de arquitectura de la UNIZAR y los agentes sociales. Las acciones son una herramienta propositiva. Investigar y analizar proponiendo ha permitido que el análisis del contexto pueda llegar a capas de mucha más profundidad. No se ha trabajado estableciendo jerarquías de profesores y alumnos, sino que se ha intentado posibilitar la conexión de distintos agentes que trabajan coordinadamente durante el tiempo que han durado las acciones. Por un lado esto ha permite que cada integrante haya aportado al grupo lo que mejor sabe hacer y de la misma manera, que cada uno pueda aprender aquello de lo que tenga más ganas… y reflexionar sobre determinados aspectos objeto del análisis. Una vez interpretados los resultados, obtenidos a través de las herramientas metodológicas referenciadas, se ha concluido lo que sigue: Respecto de la Hipótesis de partida UNO LAS ACCIONES ‘ABAJO ARRIBA’ han revelado que no se puede entender ningún proceso de gestión urbana fuera de la participación ciudadana. El ‘ESPACIO LIBRE’ de una ciudad necesita lugares de autogestión, espacios de cogestión, movimientos de ‘arriba abajo’ y también modelos que todavía no sabemos ni que existen. LAS ACCIONES INSTITUCIONALES ‘ARRIBA ABAJO’ han demostrado que no han presentado permeabilidad ni relación con las circulaciones de entorno. Tampoco han tenido en cuenta a otras muchas personas, ‘usuarios productores’, a las que les interesan los procesos de búsqueda y las fórmulas de conexión más interactivas. Respecto de la hipótesis de partida DOS LAS ACCIONES ‘ABAJO ARRIBA’ han revelado que el ‘derecho a la ciudad’, paradigma defendido por Lefebvre desde el cual se piensa el urbanismo ciudadano, en estos supuestos podría entenderse como el ‘derecho a la infraestructura’. El ESPACIO LIBRE es infraestructura y se quiere para infraestructurar los derechos de cada uno. Y aunque también es verdad que estas acciones son simples destellos, han hecho visible otro paradigma de gestión y propuesta urbana que puede ser predominante en un futuro próximo. LAS ACCIONES INSTITUCIONALES ‘ARRIBA ABAJO’ han revelado que las intervenciones estuvieron enfocadas únicamente a la resolución de los procesos constructivos y a la incorporación del programa como un dato ‘problema’ que era necesario resolver para evitar la afección al diseño. ABSTRACT The new urban ways of behaviour let us watch more and more frequently in our streets and squares, realities that we had always considered as domestic. This also happens the other way round. Every day we have to go through situations at home which imply relationships with people who don’t belong to our family circle. The domestic design of our cities and the urban planning of indoor design seem to be adequate tools in the world we have to live in. This leads us to think that public and private spaces are simplified terms, defined according to concepts of property in order to organise the city. On the other hand, its uses and the experiences of people, its management and ways of behaviour is now more complex, changing the conventional terminology that has become outdated. In this context, ‘bottom-up’ actions arise as a new paradigm or model of urban renewal. These actions consider the active role of social participation in the process of building up the city from the very beginning, in comparison with the former way of acting that considered the user as mere receptor of the proposals. A citizen who seems to become more and more radical, and an administration that seems to be afraid of the unknown, have created both almost anarchic ghetto spaces and, on the other hand, spaces which have been so institutionalised that derive into areas associated to the administration but alienated from the citizen. For this reason, cowork of both forces is considered as crucial. In accordance with the above mentioned ideas and within a comparative framework, five situations chosen from the cities of Madrid and Zaragoza are studied. Madrid because is a national and international reference in urban development that uses “bottom-up” processes. Zaragoza because is a “medium-size” city that, historically, has not been defined by clear social or institutional urban strategies. Nevertheless, at the present time we can identify approaches on the recovery of constructions and empty areas that may be determining for reaching a balance with the intense institutional processes that have taken place in the two last decades. From the urban processes registered in every place and developed in vacant areas and constructions, I have chosen: Vacant constructions Madrid | Lavapiés Tobacco Factory Zaragoza | Old Secondary School Luis Buñuel and old Convent of the Minimos Vacant areas Madrid | Campo de Cebada [non-built site]. Zaragoza | Old courtyard of the secondary school and Eduardo Ibarra square [free space] The research project has been issued from the following starting hypotheses: ONE… “Bottom-up actions” or renewal from below have no place as isolated urban elements but as connected parts that can produce synergies and the construction of the city, and that can also be considered as actions producing urban development and links. This can also be applied to the rest of urban processes or actions [‘horizontal’ or ‘institutional’]. TWO… The capacity of adaptation shown by “bottom-up actions” implies an ideological framework of reference which is related to the importance of construction with minimal resources (re-occupation and/or reconstruction of urban structures in disuse) in the above mentioned urban processes, as a way for understanding the concepts of sustainability and the representational quality of what has been constructed. This can also be applied to the recovery of those architectural aspects that make architecture necessary for society. And its objective is: Identify models of urban sustainability as a strategy going from the individual to the collective, which are mainly transferred by action and that mix innovation and technology in many fields. Models that use natural and intellectual resources in an efficient way, and understand human intelligence and, above all, collective intelligence, as principle and justification. The following aspects have been analysed: social [civic participation and involvement of the public Administration], urban [connections with other collectives or urban spaces / urban transformation by the processes of administration used], constructive [materials used for the re-construction of empty spaces / construction systems used] and those focusing on sustainability [economic sustainability /maintenance sustainability /functional sustainability / collective intelligence]. For researching into the above mentioned aspects, the following methodological tools have been developed: Open interviews with experts: answers from 25 experts have been obtained [five for every vacant space or empty construction] on sustainable urban actions, culture and social relations, who also know the places and their environment from an urban and constructive point of view. These are “ideal types” linked to one of the five powers acting in the city: the educational power [University], the creative power [culture], the administration power [politics], the corporate power [private companies] and the users [an active and representative user for every place selected during the establishment of the process]. They were people who knew the social and urban fabric of Zaragoza and Madrid, since the “open interview for experts” tool collects data and points of view set out in vacant constructions and spaces of Zaragoza and Madrid. Close interviews with users: as the number of users targeted for the research is very big or infinite, it is impossible or inconvenient to get data from all its constituent parts. Therefore, I have decided to research into the part of the population that I call “ideal types”, obtaining answers from 150 users [30 people for every empty space or construction]. The selection of the groups of people interviewed must produce results which are representative of the total population of users. Furthermore, the election of “ideal types” has been identified with the inhabitants of urban areas [or city districts] in which the vacant spaces or constructions analysed are located. A structured observation: I have known the actions and ways of behaving of the citizens in the urban environment by means of collecting information after observation. Therefore, the practical research into the target environment has been easier by valuing the use that society gives to the empty constructions and spaces analysed. It is important to position the strategy with respect to the research subject proposed. It involves a strategy able to get an overview of a plural landscape, developed by social and constructive tools, allowing architecture to talk about topics which are interesting for city dwellers. Therefore, I proposed a set of architectural tools to evaluate all the proposals. A context of common strategies describing the different actions analysed by using the same codes. These tools focus on different fields of interests, from the most tectonic and constructive parts, to the most related to urban and social development. Actions on collective participation: experiences or urban laboratories shared by the students of architecture of the University of Zaragoza and social agents. The actions are a proactive tool. Researching and analysing by means of proposing, has allowed me to analyse the context and much deeper layers. This work has not been done by establishing ranks of professors and student, but trying to get an interaction between the different agents who work in close coordination during the implementation of the actions. This has allowed every agent to contribute the group what they do the best, and also every individual has had the possibility to learn what s/he prefers…, thinking about the different aspects targeted by the analysis. Once the different methodological tools have been interpreted, this is the conclusion: With regard to the initial hypothesis ONE “BOTTOM-UP” ACTIONS have proven that no process of urban management can be understood outside civic participation. The “FREE SPACE” of a city needs self-managed places, co-managed spaces, “up-bottom” movements, and also models whose existence is still ignored. “UP-BOTTOM” INSTITUTIONAL ACTIONS have proven that they have not presented neither permeability nor relation with local ideas. They have also disregarded many other people, the “usersproducers”, who are interested in the most interactive means of searching and connecting processes. With regard to the initial hypothesis TWO Under these premises, “BOTTOM-UP” ACTIONS have shown that the “right to the city”, a paradigm defended by Lefebvre and from which citizen-focused urbanism is conceived, could be considered as a “right to the infrastructures”. A FREE SPACE is an infrastructure and must be used to “infrastructure” the rights of every citizen. And, even though it is true that these actions are mere flashes, they have made visible another paradigm of management and urban proposal that can be prevailing in a near future. “UP-BOTTOM” INSTITUTIONAL ACTIONS have revealed that the interventions have only focused on resolving construction processes and the incorporation of the program as a “problem” data that was necessary to resolve in order to avoid its influence on the design.
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"R 6-MBS-02-1991"--P. [4] of cover.
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Historical archaeology, in its narrow temporal sense -as an archaeology of the emergence and subsequent evolution of the Modern world- is steadily taking pace in Spanish academia. This paper aims at provoking a more robust debate through understanding how Spanish historical archaeology is placed in the international scene and some of its more relevant particularities. In so doing, the paper also stresses the strong links that have united historical and prehistorical archaeology since its inception, both in relation to the ontological, epistemological and methodological definition of the first as to the influence of socio-political issues in the latter. Such reflection is partly a situated reflection from prehistory as one of the paper’s authors has been a prehistorian for most of her professional life.
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In the early twentieth century, musicology was established as an academic discipline in the United States. Nonetheless, with the exception of Iberian medieval and Renaissance repertories, U.S. scholars largely overlooked the music of the Spanish- and Portuguese- speaking world. Why should this have been the case, especially in light of Spain’s strong historical presence in the United States? This autobiographical essay examines this question by tracing the career of an individual musicologist, the Hispanist musicologist Carol A. Hess. Evaluated here are disciplinary shifts in U.S. musicology —methodological, philosophical, and ideological— over the past thirty years. These transformations have combined to make this repertory a viable field of study today. Musicologists in the United States can now make their careers by specializing in Iberian and Latin American music, as well as the music of the Hispanic diaspora. They research topics ranging from the avant-garde composer Llorenç Barber to the rapper Nach Scratch or the popular bandleader Xavier Cugat and his U.S. audiences of the 1940s, while others also pursue the time-tested areas of medieval and Renaissance music. Iberian and Latin American music is regularly offered in postsecondary institutions while instructors now have a variety of textbooks and other pedagogical resources from which to choose. All add up to a disciplinary freedom that would have been unthinkable only a few decades ago.
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This paper describes a current research integrated in an international and interdisciplinary project and developed in a global environment between two different tendencies: integration and desintegration. In this scenary, television narrative arises as an essential tool to create and consolidate new cultural identities in order to get a popular narrative on the concept of nation.
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Researchers within the field of cultural imperialism as well as the more recently developed globalisation paradigm have tended to dwell upon the economic or corporate dimensions of global cultural flows and have been largely indifferent to the domain of the everyday cultural tastes and forms of cultural consumption that exist in particular national contexts. This article seeks to redress this focus through an examination of one particular instance of cultural imperialism, the widely held belief in ?he Americanisation of Australian society. Using data from a major research project inquiring into Australian everyday culture the article focuses on the changes in cultural tastes and preferences that are evident in three generational cohorts: contemporary young adults, a segment of the 'baby-boom' generation now in middle age, and a group of older Australians born in the years following World War I and the 1920s. The article documents a trend in which overseas influences, particularly those originating from America, appear to be increasingly shaping Australians' tastes in a wide range of cultural domains. Nevertheless, despite these changes in cultural taste Australians of ail ages retain a strong sense of a distinctive national identity. Such findings have implications for an understanding of cultural globalisation as a process of hybridisation and intermixing.
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Managing financial institutions in an underdeveloped economic context has become a real challenge nowadays. In order to reach the organization`s planned goals, they have to deal with structural, behavioral and informational problems. From the systemic point of view, this situation gets even worse when the company does not present organizational boundaries and a cohesive identification for their stakeholders. Thus, European countries have some special financial lines in order to help the development of micro credit in Latin communities in an attempt to help the local economy. However, institutions like Caixa dos Andes in Peru present management problems when dealing with this complexity. Based on this, how can the systemic eye help in the diagnosis of soft problems of a Peruvian financial company? This study aims to diagnose soft problems of a Peruvian financial company based on soft variables like identity, communication and autonomy and also intends to identify possible ways to redesign its basic framework. The (VSM--Viable System Model) method from Beer (1967), applied in this diagnostic study, was used in a practical way as a management tool for organizations` analysis and planning. By describing the VSM`s five systems, the creation of a systemic vision or a total vision is possible, showing the organization`s complexity from the inside. Some company`s soft problems like double control, inefficient use of physical and human resources, low information flows, slowness, etc. The VSM presented an organizational diagnosis indicating effective solutions that do integrate its five systems.
Diversity and commonality in national identities: an exploratory analysis of cross-national patterns
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Issues of boundary maintenance are implicit in all studies of national identity. By definition, national communities consist of those who are included but surrounded (literally or metaphorically) by those who are excluded. Most extant research on national identity explores criteria for national membership largely in terms of official or public definitions described, for example, in citizenship and immigration laws or in texts of popular culture. We know much less about how ordinary people in various nations reason about these issues. An analysis of cross-national (N = 23) survey data from the 1995 International Social Science Program reveals a core pattern in most of the countries studied. Respondents were asked how important various criteria were in being 'truly' a member of a particular nation. Exploratory factor analysis shows that these items cluster in terms of two underlying dimensions. Ascriptive/objectivist criteria relating to birth, religion and residence can be distinguished from civic/voluntarist criteria relating to subjective feelings of membership and belief in core institutions. In most nations the ascriptive/objectivist dimension of national identity was more prominent than the subjective civic/voluntarist dimension. Taken overall, these findings suggest an unanticipated homogeneity in the ways that citizens around the world think about national identity. To the extent that these dimensions also mirror the well-known distinction between ethnic and civic national identification, they suggest that the former remains robust despite globalization, mass migration and cultural pluralism. Throughout the world official definitions of national identification have tended to shift towards a civic model. Yet citizens remain remarkably traditional in outlook. A task for future research is to investigate the macrosociological forces that produce both commonality and difference in the core patterns we have identified.
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The smart grid concept is a key issue in the future power systems, namely at the distribution level, with deep concerns in the operation and planning of these systems. Several advantages and benefits for both technical and economic operation of the power system and of the electricity markets are recognized. The increasing integration of demand response and distributed generation resources, all of them mostly with small scale distributed characteristics, leads to the need of aggregating entities such as Virtual Power Players. The operation business models become more complex in the context of smart grid operation. Computational intelligence methods can be used to give a suitable solution for the resources scheduling problem considering the time constraints. This paper proposes a methodology for a joint dispatch of demand response and distributed generation to provide energy and reserve by a virtual power player that operates a distribution network. The optimal schedule minimizes the operation costs and it is obtained using a particle swarm optimization approach, which is compared with a deterministic approach used as reference methodology. The proposed method is applied to a 33-bus distribution network with 32 medium voltage consumers and 66 distributed generation units.
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The concept of soft power offers the opportunity for the States, under the current power shifts, to thrive, in a competitive and globalised scene, shaping o t hers' preference in accordance with their goals. Portugal, though it i s a small country, has soft power skills, according with specialized rankings, due to i t s geography and climate, main economic activities, historical role, legal framework, culture and language. Therefore, we can and we should develop public policies to optimize our resources, converting them in planned outcomes. On the other hand, public entities engaged with foreign trade, investment and tour ism, aid f or development, promotion of culture and language should be structured in or-der to strengthen the performance of Portugal in this area. Being a member of the European Union or of the Community of Portuguese Speaking Countries is, at last, essential to expand our global presence. In this Master's work project, I decided to make a critical analysis of legislation related with public diplomacy i n Portugal, together wi th research about the approach of two other countries (United Kingdom and Finland) to the same topic, for the sake of improvement.
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Starting from the observation that ghosts are strikingly recurrent and prominent figures in late-twentieth African diasporic literature, this dissertation proposes to account for this presence by exploring its various functions. It argues that, beyond the poetic function the ghost performs as metaphor, it also does cultural, theoretical and political work that is significant to the African diaspora in its dealings with issues of history, memory and identity. Toni Morrison's Beloved (1987) serves as a guide for introducing the many forms, qualities and significations of the ghost, which are then explored and analyzed in four chapters that look at Fred D'Aguiar's Feeding the Ghosts (1998), Gloria Naylor's Mama Day (1988), Paule Marshall's Praisesong for the Widow (1983) and a selection of novels, short stories and poetry by Michelle Cliff. Moving thematically through these texts, the discussion shifts from history through memory to identity as it examines how the ghost trope allows the writers to revisit sites of trauma; revise historical narratives that are constituted and perpetuated by exclusions and invisibilities; creatively and critically repossess a past marked by violence, dislocation and alienation and reclaim the diasporic culture it contributed to shaping; destabilize and deconstruct the hegemonic, normative categories and boundaries that delimit race or sexuality and envision other, less limited and limiting definitions of identity. These diverse and interrelated concerns are identified and theorized as participating in a project of "re-vision," a critical project that constitutes an epistemological as much as a political gesture. The author-based structure allows for a detailed analysis of the texts and highlights the distinctive shapes the ghost takes and the particular concerns it serves to address in each writer's literary and political project. However, using the ghost as a guide into these texts, taken collectively, also throws into relief new connections between them and sheds light on the complex ways in which the interplay of history, memory and identity positions them as products of and contributions to an African diasporic (literary) culture. If it insists on the cultural specificity of African diasporic ghosts, tracing its origins to African cultures and spiritualities, the argument also follows gothic studies' common view that ghosts in literary and cultural productions-like other related figures of the living dead-respond to particular conditions and anxieties. Considering the historical and political context in which the texts under study were produced, the dissertation makes connections between the ghosts in them and African diasporic people's disillusionment with the broken promises of the civil rights movement in the United States and of postcolonial independence in the Caribbean. It reads the texts' theoretical concerns and narrative qualities alongside the contestation of traditional historiography by black and postcolonial studies as well as the broader challenge to conventional notions such as truth, reality, meaning, power or identity by poststructuralism, postcolonialism or queer theory. Drawing on these various theoretical approaches and critical tools to elucidate the ghost's deconstructive power for African diasporic writers' concerns, this work ultimately offers a contribution to "speciality studies," which is currently emerging as a new field of scholarship in cultural theory.