The African studies course of the Instituto de Estudos Superiores Militares. An analysis of the correlations and conflictive character inside the triangle - Development, environment and security - in Africa’s Nigeria

Relatório de Estágio de Mestrado em Ciência Política e Relações Internacionais Globalização e Ambiente

"A reserva ecológica nacional e a sua importância para o ordenamento do território"

This work primarily aims to investigate the ambiguity between the right to build and the need to preserve nature through one of its instruments: the National Ecological Reserve. In both national and international political effort, forced by increasing ecological awareness of the society were being created regulations for environmental problemsolving frameworks. This significant increase in provisions, that regulated the environment and spatial territory, are directly related to the objectives of the European community. In a year when the soil policy has changed, it is important to review the priorities of regional planning in the face of environmental policies. REN is a restriction of public utility that, among other things, aims to define and integrate diverse areas of our territory which by their structure are essential to the ecological stability of the environment. Going through a historical study of the various regimes that regulated REN, the present work aims to inform the understanding of the concept REN, exposing its objectives and form of delimitation of integrated areas, in order to answer questions about the nature of this institute. It were related to all regulations governing the ecological reserves and land, namely Scheme for Conservation of Nature and Biodiversity; Natura 2000, the National Agricultural Reserve, the Law of the ownership of water resources and water, and the RJIGT RJUE, checking to its compatibility with REN. Through a literature review regarding the jurisprudence of national courts applying the doctrine, analysis of legal regimes, analysis of maps depicting the REN, we carried out a qualitative assessment of the trend and legal effect of REN in protecting populations and environment. Therefore we will work with this reflect on the existing environment awareness in our society and its problems in the management of natural resources.

A trust model for cloud computing environment

This paper presents a proposal for a management model based on reliability requirements concerning Cloud Computing (CC). The proposal was based on a literature review focused on the problems, challenges and underway studies related to the safety and reliability of Information Systems (IS) in this technological environment. This literature review examined the existing obstacles and challenges from the point of view of respected authors on the subject. The main issues are addressed and structured as a model, called "Trust Model for Cloud Computing environment". This is a proactive proposal that purposes to organize and discuss management solutions for the CC environment, aiming improved reliability of the IS applications operation, for both providers and their customers. On the other hand and central to trust, one of the CC challenges is the development of models for mutual audit management agreements, so that a formal relationship can be established involving the relevant legal responsibilities. To establish and control the appropriate contractual requirements, it is necessary to adopt technologies that can collect the data needed to inform risk decisions, such as access usage, security controls, location and other references related to the use of the service. In this process, the cloud service providers and consumers themselves must have metrics and controls to support cloud-use management in compliance with the SLAs agreed between the parties. The organization of these studies and its dissemination in the market as a conceptual model that is able to establish parameters to regulate a reliable relation between provider and user of IT services in CC environment is an interesting instrument to guide providers, developers and users in order to provide services and secure and reliable applications.

Political autonomy and independence: theory and experimental evidence

We study the process by which subordinated regions of a country can obtain a more favourable political status. In our theoretical model a dominant and a dominated region first interact through a voting process that can lead to different degrees of autonomy. If this process fails then both regions engage in a costly political conflict which can only lead to the maintenance of the initial subordination of the region in question or to its complete independence. In the subgame-perfect equilibrium the voting process always leads to an intermediate arrangement acceptable for both parts. Hence, the costly political struggle never occurs. In contrast, in our experiments we observe a large amount of fighting involving high material losses, even in a case in which the possibilities for an arrangement without conflict are very salient. In our experimental environment intermediate solutions are feasible and stable, but purely emotional elements prevent them from being reached.

The Good, the Bad and the Populist: A Model of Political Agency with Emotional Voters

This paper attempts to extend existing models of political agency to an environment in which voting may be divided between informed and instrumental, informed and ‘expressive’ (Brennan and Lomasky (1993)) and uninformed due to ‘rational irrationality’ (Caplan (2007)). It constructs a model where politicians may be good, bad or populist. Populists are more willing than good politicians to pander to voters who may choose inferior policies in a large-group electoral setting because their vote is insignificant compared with those that voters would choose were their vote decisive in determining the electoral outcome. Bad politicians would ideally like to extract tax revenue for their own ends. Initially we assume the existence of only good and populist politicians. The paper investigates the incentives for good politicians to pool with or separate from populists and focuses on three key issues – (1) how far the majority of voter’s preferences are from those held by the better informed incumbent politician (2) the extent to which the population exhibits rational irrationality and expressiveness (jointly labelled as emotional) and (3) the cost involved in persuading uninformed voters to change their views in terms of composing messages and spreading them. This paper goes on to consider how the inclusion of bad politicians may affect the behaviour of good politicians and suggests that a small amount of potential corruption may be socially useful. It is also argued that where bad politicians have an incentive to mimic the behaviour of good and populist politicians, the latter types of politician may have an incentive to separate from bad politicians by investing in costly public education signals. The paper also discusses the implications of the model for whether fiscal restraints should be soft or hard.

A Political Agency Model of Coattail Voting

In this paper, I provide a formal justi…cation for a well-established coattail effect, when a popular candidate at one branch of government attracts votes to candidates from the same political party for other branches of government. A political agency frame- work with moral hazard is applied to analyze coattails in simultaneous presidential and congressional elections. I show that coattail voting is a natural outcome of the optimal reelection scheme adopted by a representative voter to motivate politicians' efforts in a retrospective voting environment. I assume that an office-motivated politician (executive or congressman) prefers her counterpart to be affiliated with the same political party. This correlation of incentives leads the voter to adopt a joint performance evaluation rule, which is conditioned on the politicians belonging to the same party or different parties. The two-sided coattail effects then arise. On the one hand, the executive's suc- cess/failure props up/drags down her partisan ally in congressional election, which implies presidential coattails. On the other hand, the executive's reelection itself is affected by the congressman's performance, which results in reverse coattails. JEL classi…fication: D72, D86. Keywords: Coattail voting; Presidential coattails; Reverse coattails; Simultaneous elections; Political Agency; Retrospective voting.

Recognition and political accommodation: from regionalism to secessionism. The Catalan case

Having lived through a bloody civil war in the 1930s followed by four decades of General Franco’s dictatorship, the Spanish state carried out a transition to a democratic system at the end of the 1970s. The 1978 Constitution was the legal outcome of this transition process. Among other things, it established a territorial model – the so-called “Estado de las Autonomías” (State of Autonomous Communities) – which was designed to satisfy the historical demands for recognition and self-government of, above all, the citizens and institutions of Catalonia and the Basque Country .In recent years support for independence has increased in Catalonia. Different indicators show that pro-independence demands are endorsed by a majority of its citizens, as well as by most of the political parties and organizations that represent its civil society. This is a new phenomenon. Those in favour of independence had been in the minority throughout the 20th century. Nowadays, however, demands of a pro-autonomy and pro-federalist nature, which until recently had been dominant, have gradually lost public support in favour of demands for self-determination and secession. This paper analyses the massive increase in support for secession in Catalonia during the early years of the 21st century. After describing the different theories of secession in plurinational liberal democracies (section 1), we analyse Catalonia’s political evolution over the past decade focusing on the shortcomings with regard to constitutional recognition and accommodation displayed by the Spanish political system. The latter have been exacerbated by the reform process of Catalonia’s Statute of Autonomy (2006) and the subsequent judgement of Spain’s Constitutional Court regarding the aforementioned Statute (2010) (section 2). Finally, we present our conclusions by linking the Catalan case with theories of secession applied to plurinational contexts

Judges' cognition and market order

We argue that during the crystallization of common and civil law in the 19th century, the optimal degree of discretion in judicial rulemaking, albeit influenced by the comparative advantages of both legislative and judicial rulemaking, was mainly determined by the anti-market biases of the judiciary. The different degrees of judicial discretion adopted in both legal traditions were thus optimally adapted to different circumstances, mainly rooted in the unique, market-friendly, evolutionary transition enjoyed by English common law as opposed to the revolutionary environment of the civil law. On the Continent, constraining judicial discretion was essential for enforcing freedom of contract and establishing a market economy. The ongoing debasement of pro-market fundamentals in both branches of the Western legal system is explained from this perspective as a consequence of increased perceptions of exogenous risks and changes in the political system, which favored the adoption of sharing solutions and removed the cognitive advantage of parliaments and political leaders.

O Dualismo Cultural: os Luso-Caboverdianos entre a Escola a Família e a Comunidade (Estudo de Caso)

A tese que ora findamos visa a obtenção do grau de doutora em Educação, na Especialidade de Desenvolvimento Curricular, pelo Departamento do Currículo e Tecnologia Educativa, do Instituto de Educação e Psicologia, da Universidade do Minho. Intitulado o dualismo cultural: os luso-caboverdianos entre a escola, a família e a comunidade, o presente estudo centra-se numa abordagem crítica da escolaridade básica obrigatória, no qual procurámos compreender e explicar as condições de realização deste nível de ensino pelos jovens de ascendência caboverdiana, nascidos em Portugal, na qualidade de sujeitos biculturais em consequência da simbiose das culturas caboverdeana e portuguesa. Isto para concluirmos se na oferta do serviço educativo e de formação estão acautelados os seus direitos de cidadania e de participação na sociedade em que se encontram inseridos e a que pertencem de facto. Nesta investigação foi fundamental analisar a oferta de educação básica, entender as representações de alunos lusocaboverdeanos acerca da sua identidade cultural e das suas percepções sobre a formação académica que recebem; reconhecer representações e percepções de professores acerca da realidade educativa portuguesa, o enquadramento da multiculturalidade e a docência em turmas com alunos luso-caboverdianos, e compreender as percepções de pais e encarregados da educação caboverdeanos acerca da realidade educativa portuguesa e do enquadramento dos seus filhos na escola, para perceber se o insucesso educativo dos luso-caboverdeanos está relacionado com a condição de aluno “culturalmente diferente” ou se tem a sua origem na escola e no currículo da escolaridade obrigatória e, assim, contribuir com subsídios teóricos e práticos para o aprofundamento da problemática da multiculturalidade em Portugal, com vista à sua potenciação e normalização no sistema educativo. Estando perante uma sociedade de formação multicultural reafirmada com a colonização, justifica-se, em Portugal, a preocupação com a temática da diversidade cultural nas políticas educativas, resultante da consciencialização da manifestação da diversidade cultural no contexto escolar, podendo a sua omissão constituir num factor de insucesso educativo. Por isso, integramos nesta investigação matérias como: uma conceptualização do multiculturalismo com vista a questionar e clarificar os conceitos e as perspectivas inerentes a este fenómeno. Uma tentativa de desocultar para perceber o conteúdo simbólico e os porquês das políticas de integração das minorias etnicoculturais que, ao que parece, nos tempos que correm, por quase toda a parte, se converteram numa prioridade absoluta e inadiável. Estabelecemos uma ponte entre a génese do campo curricular e a construção de um currículo multi e/ou intercultural, merecendo devida atenção as tendências que dominam as discussões e a produção científica actuais nestes domínios. Problematizámos o currículo e identidade na escolaridade obrigatória nas dimensões inserção sociocultural, promoção da igualdade de sucesso educativo e inclusão dos sujeitos e o currículo e a educação para o exercício da cidadania numa escola que se quer plural. Neste último debatemos o conteúdo político da educação para a cidadania, as políticas educativas e curriculares e a escolaridade básica obrigatória como uma proposta que continua em aberto, por isso, passível de adequação às necessidades de uma educação da e para a diversidade. Procurámos fazer uma análise das políticas de integração socioeducativa da diversidade cultural, com destaque para o quadro legal que regula a integração das minorias étnicas na escola básica portuguesa, com particular incidência sobre as crianças pertencentes à comunidade caboverdeana nascidas em território português, procurando concluir acerca da existência, ou não, de posições e opções de políticas educativas concretas face à necessidade de dar prosseguimento à educação multicultural neste contexto. Tratou-se de uma investigação qualitativa holística, que permitiu desenvolver compreensões profundas dos fenómenos a partir das evidências reunidas, do estudo das representações dos sujeitos sobre quem recaem os resultados da investigação, mas também de sujeitos que, assim como o meio envolvente, estabelecem uma relação indirecta com os mesmos resultados. Circunscrito a um estudo de caso, a reflexão e a partilha de conhecimento e informações possibilitou desenvolver uma compreensão sobre a problemática estudada. Dos resultados obtidos, destacámos aqui que, em Portugal, apesar da absorvência da diversidade cultural nas política educativa, não se concretizou, ainda, uma proposta que, na prática, crie a reciprocidade entre as questões etnicoculturais e o sucesso e/ou insucesso educativos das minorias em educação com ganhos decisivos no combate ao insucesso e ao abandono escolar. Continua-se a desenvolver uma educação igualitarista monocultural pela via da homogeneização curricular, assente na noção de que povos e grupos podem estar em condições de igualdade se reunidos numa cultura comum. Aparentemente sob pilares democráticos, esta educação multicultural segue a concepção liberal associando essencialismo, universalismo e igualitarismo, resultando num propósito civilizacional excludente das minorias etnicoculturais. As conclusões chegadas permitem-nos defender a dessacralização do currículo nacional comum e uniforme e a defesa de uma proposta curricular baseada numa cultura científica global e necessária, de acordo com as faixas etárias e níveis de ensino, com campos de integração obrigatória de conteúdos territorializados alicerçados no interculturalismo como estratégia promotora da interacção crítica e solidária entre diferentes sujeitos e grupos culturais, permissiva da construção de identidades próprias e da confissão da diferença cultural, associada ao intraculturalismo como uma via permeabilizadora da educação democrática como garante da cidadania plena a todos os indivíduos, como condição fundamental para o estabelecimento das condições de igualdade e de garantia de sucesso em educação.

Of housing and politics : mapping political opportunities for mobilising in Bangalore, India

Quelles sont les conditions pour l'émergence d'une mobilisation sociale en faveur du logement convenable dans la métropole de Bangalore (Inde)? Cette question, qui est au coeur de cette thèse, est particulièrement pertinente dans le contexte d'une ville où 1,7 million de personnes, soit un cinquième de la population, vit dans des bidonvilles. L'absence d'un mouvement mettant en cause l'échec des politiques publiques du logement est intéressante dans la mesure où l'Inde a hérité un système de gouvernance colonial et d'une tradition de mouvements sociaux. Pour répondre à ce questionnement, un cadre théorique issu de la littérature sur les mouvements sociaux est développé. Il s'articule autour des liens entre les opportunités politiques au niveau macro et les répertoires d'action des organisations de mouvement social (OMS) au niveau méso, de la tension entre la formalité de la loi et des politiques publiques et l'informalité des circuits d'échange, de la corruption et du clientélisme, et enfin, se focalise sur les systèmes de discours de caste et de la citoyenneté et de leur concrétisation dans des systèmes d'organisations et de réseaux sociaux. Ce cadre théorique permet d'étudier empiriquement la question à travers quatre OMS dans la ville de Bangalore. Les résultats mettent en avant l'existence de mécanismes complexes. Les opportunités politiques formelles n'étant ouvertes que sur le plan rhétorique, elles ne peuvent être véritablement utilisées que par des moyens légaux ou contentieux, ce qui nécessite des compétences sociales dont la plupart des habitants des bidonvilles sont dépourvus. L'inadéquation entre les ressources à disposition pour les logements sociaux et les besoins très importants des pauvres, donne un poids politique considérable aux acteurs en charge de l'attribution de ces ressources rares. Cet état de fait a des répercussions sur la politique électorale. Les habitants des bidonvilles représentant un poids électoral important, ils sont mobilisés à travers de pratiques clientélistes. La corruption et le clientélisme se nourrissent mutuellement pour maintenir une certaine dépendance des habitants. Les OMS qui développent un répertoire discursif remettant en cause le système de caste et qui encouragent une conscience citoyenne, se sont avérées les plus durables pour résister à la cooptation des forces politiques. Cette recherche empirique met en lumière l'inadéquation entre les prescriptions formelles dans le domaine de la gouvernance des besoins humains, tels que le logement, et les pratiques réelles sur le terrain. Cette recherche appelle à réfléchir au-delà de la diffusion du discours sur la « bonne gouvernance » vers des formes de « gouvernance vernaculaire » qui prendrait au sérieux l'informalité en développant une compréhension des avantages à court terme pour les personnes marginalisées dans la ville et les effets à long terme sur la pratique démocratique. - What are the conditions for the emergence of a social movement on the issue of adequate housing in the metropolitan city of Bangalore (India)? This question is at the heart of this dissertation and is particularly pertinent against the background that an estimated 1.7 million or about 20% of the city's population lives in slums. The absence of a movement addressing the failure of public housing policy despite India having inherited colonial systems of governance and traditions of movement is noteworthy. Answers are sought within a theoretical framework stemming from social movement theories that incorporates three linkages articulating around: Macro-level political opportunities and meso-level action repertoires of social movement organisations (SMOs), tensions between the formality of law, policy and the informality of exchange circuits of corruption and clientelism and finally around systems of discourses of caste and citizenship and their instantiation in concrete systems of social organisations and networks. This thesis is empirically investigated through a qualitative case study research design involving four sampled social movement organisations. The results bring complex mechanisms to the fore. Formal political opportunities are only rhetorically open and have to be cracked through legal weaponry or contentious escalation, which requires considerable social skills that slum-dwellers often lack. The inadequacy between the few housing resources and the vast number of slum-dwellers transform housing benefits and urban service provisions into political currency. Such a state of affairs has serious repercussions on conditions for mobilisation. They become imbricated with electoral logic, in which slum-dwellers represent large vote-banks and where corruption and clientelism feed each other to maintain a certain dependency of the poor. SMOs deploying a discursive repertoire that questioned the caste system and encouraged a pursuit of citizenship proved to be the most sustainable to resist co-option from political forces. This empirical investigation brings to light the mismatch between the formal prescriptions in the domain of the governance of basic human needs such as housing and the real practices on the ground. This research calls to reflect beyond the inadequacy of the diffused « good governance » discourse towards forms of « vernacular governance » that take informality seriously in understanding the short-term benefits for the marginalised in the city and the long-term effects on democratic practice.

Use of legal reserve areas as geochemical background in hydrosedimentology studies¹

In hydrosedimentology studies the determination of the trace element concentrations at the study site is imperative, since this background can be used to assess the enrichment of sediments with these elements. This enrichment can be the result of the natural process of geological formation or of anthropogenic activities. In the latter case, guidelines are used to indicate the concentrations at which trace elements cause ecotoxicity effects on the environment. Thus, this study used legal reserve areas in the municipality of Toledo, PR, where natural forests are maintained, with no or minimal human interference to establish background levels. The results of atomic emission spectrometry with inductively coupled argon plasma showed that the legal reserves have lower levels of trace elements than other theoretical references, but equivalent concentrations to the safety levels recommended by international guidelines. It was concluded that determining values is fundamental to recommend this background as scientific database for research in the area of hydrosedimentology of this site and also as a way of environmental management of the watershed of this municipality.

Citizen participation and the Lisbon Treaty : A legal perspective

How to "bring the [European] Union closer to its citizens" is a vexed and vital problem of European integration. Article 11 TEU on participatory democracy, recently introduced by the Lisbon Treaty, is meant to be part of the solution. The EU Economic and Social Committee has gone so far as to define this provision "a milestone on the road to a people's Europe that is real and feasible". This appears to be an overly optimistic assessment - partly because art. 11 relies heavily on the involvement of civil society organisations, which political science literature suggests is conceptually and/or practically irrelevant to citizen involvement; partly because it largely formalizes participatory practices that have been in existence for years without cognizable effects on citizen participation; and partly because even its most innovative element - the European citizens' initiative (ECI) - does not bring significant changes to the Union's constitutional arrangements in terms of redistributing decision-making power. In addition to that, secondary legislation places significant hurdles on the submission of ECIs and might prevent or delay their becoming a standard democratic practice. This is not to say that art. 11 TEU has no potential at all. Its insertion in the Treaty might provide impetus to rethink and develop past participatory practices, such as horizontal civil dialogue. Moreover, the effects of "popular input" in the form of ECIs on EU institutional dynamics is as yet unknown - and perhaps not negligible, to judge from the keen interest that the European Parliament and other bodies have demonstrated in "appropriating" it as a political asset. Finally, art. 11 raises the stakes of the Union's democratic challenge and might pressure EU institutions to make full use of its potential. Or, if eventually proved inadequate, art. 11 might constitute a constitutional experiment on the way to meaningful forms of direct democracy at EU level.

Economic and legal analysis of mandatory non-recourse mortgages with applications to Spain

“The liquidity crisis of the Spanish banks is largely due to the lack of confidence of foreign investors and, therefore, the changes that occur in the legislation should not affect the credibility, stability, legal certainty, predictability that markets expect”.Sergio Nasarre (2011)In the current situation of economic crisis, many people have found they can no longer pay back the mortgage loans that were granted to them in order to purchase a dwelling. It is for this reason that, in light of the economic, political and social problems this poses, our paper studies the state of the Spanish real-estate system and of foreclosure, paying special attention to the solution that has been proposed recently as the best option for debtors that cannot make their mort-gage payments: non-recourse mortgaging. We analyze this proposal from legal and economic perspectives in order to fully understand the effects that this change could imply. At the same time, this paper will also examine several alternatives we believe would ameliorate the situation of mortgage-holders, among them legal reforms, mortgage insurance, and non-recourse mortgaging itself.

Cobertura y desamparo: garantías jurídicas de los españoles en el Perú (1870-1945) = Coverage and helplessness: legal guarantees of the spanish in Peru (1870-1945)

The archives of the Prefecture of the Peruvian Ministry of Foreign Affairs provide a perspective from which to reconstruct the broad range of legal circumstances in which Spanish residents in various regions of the country find themselves immersed (assets of relatives who have died without wills or family in Peru, political conflicts, legal problems -whether criminal or civil as a result of business activities- or the requested intervention ofconsular authorities when decisions considered detrimental to their compatriots are made by prefects and sub-prefects). The legal framework protecting Spanish nationals in Peru is analysed to understand the mechanisms of immigration in the country and the mechanisms that led them to keep their Spanish nationality, even after establishing wide-reaching family and business interests

Women in leadership: Three essays

GENDER EMPOWERMENT: EFFECTS OF GODS, GEOGRAPHY, AND GDP¦Fenley, M., & Antonakis, J.¦ABSTRACT¦We examined the determinants of women's empowerment in the economy and political leadership in 178 countries. Given the androcentric nature of most religions, we hypothesized that high degrees of country-level theistic belief create social conditions that impede the progression of women to power. The dependent variable was the Gender Empowerment index of the United Nations Development Program, which captures the participation of women in political leadership, management, and their share of national income. Controlling for GDP per capita as well as the fixed-effects of the dominant type of religion and legal origin and instrumenting all endogenous variables with geographic or historical variables, our results show that atheism has a significant positive effect on gender empowerment. These results are driven by the rule of law, which in addition to being a catalyst for economic development, appears to crowd-out the informal regulation of behavior due to religious norms.¦DEVELOPING WOMEN LEADERS: COMPARING A TRANSFORMATIONAL AND A CHARISMATIC LEADERSHIP INTERVENTION¦Fenley, M., Jacquart, P., & Antonakis, J.¦ABSTRACT¦Along with a gender imbalance in leadership role occupancy, most leadership interventions have been conducted with samples of men. We conducted an experiment wherein we assigned female participants (n = 38, mean age = 35 years) to one of two conditions: Transformational (i.e., "standard") leadership training or charismatic leadership training. The two interventions were essentially equivalent, except that we also focused on developing the "charismatic leadership tactics" (e.g., rhetorical skills) of participants in the charismatic condition. After the interventions, we randomly assigned participants into problem-solving teams that required extensive interaction. Each team had an equal number of participants having received transformational training or charismatic training. At the end of the team exercises, participants rated each of their team members on a leadership prototypicality measure. Results indicated that those who received charismatic training scored higher (a) on prototypicality (standardized  = .42) and (b) on a test of declarative knowledge of charismatic rhetorical strategies (i.e., a manipulation check, standardized  = .76). Furthermore, the score on the test fully mediated the effect of the treatment on prototypicality (standardized indirect  = .32). We discuss the importance and practical implications of these results.¦CHANGING ATTITUDES TOWARDS WOMEN IN A MALE SEX-TYPE WORK ENVIRONMENT: EVIDENCE FROM A FIELD EXPERIMENT IN EUROPEAN ATHLETICS¦Fenley, M.¦ABSTRACT¦Most sports organizations have a similar gender gap in leadership as do the majority of non-sport organizations. Women's careers sputter somewhere at coaching level positions and few women obtain top leadership positions. Greater awareness of gender inequalities in general, and in leadership in particular, could decrease gender discrimination and increase women's presence at upper levels. The goal of this study was to evaluate the impact of an intervention using an online gender awareness exercise. Participants (n = 1,001 participants, n = 32 countries) were randomly assigned to one of eight conditions in a 2 (a discriminating perspective-taking story or a non-discriminating perspective-taking story) by 2 (gender quiz or no gender quiz) by 2 (diversity quiz or no diversity quiz) factorial design. The results show that the online perspective taking exercise changed initial sexist attitudes. Participants having taken a diversity quiz had less sexist attitudes (as measured by the Modern- and Old-fashioned sexism scale) than did participants who did not take the diversity quiz (irrespective of perspective-taking story). The combination of having taken a diversity quiz with a gender quiz had the biggest impact on attitudes for the non-discriminating story.