521 resultados para poker incomes
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For centuries, teachers have complained about their salaries. In the Stapfer inquiry of 1799, some teachers made remarks about financial issues, particularly their low incomes. This inquiry is the main source for the arguments presented here regarding teachers' low salary during this period of the Helvetic Republic. The disparity between the lowest and the highest income was huge in 1799. This fact invites investigations about the people who complained. The evidence indicates incoherence between the complaints regarding low salary and the real income that was earned by these teachers. However, in order for this thesis to be wholly understood, the salaries must be explained; at the time of the Stapfer inquiry, salaries were paid in different currencies, as wages in kind and using divergent measurements. The present article aims to determine who these teachers were and why they complained. The arguments presented by the teachers shed light on the topics of political appeals, the social status of teachers in 1800 and the professionalisation of teachers.
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This paper proposes an ex-post measure of inequality of opportunity in France and its regions by assessing the inequality between individuals exerting the same effort. To this end, we define a fair income that fulfils ex-post equality of opportunity requirements. Unfairness is measured by an unfair Gini based on the distance between the actual income and the fair income. Our findings reveal that the measures of ex-post inequality of opportunity largely vary across regions, and that this is due to di_erences in reward schemes and in the impact of the non responsibility factors of income. We find that most regions have actual incomes closer to fair incomes than to average income, excepted Ile de France where the actual income looks poorly related to effort variables. Finally, we find that income inequality and inequality of opportunity are positively correlated among regions.
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A century ago, the majority of workers were employed near their homes—on farms or in cities and towns. As industrialization increased and suburbs surrounded central cities, commuting meant going from homes in suburbs to jobs in cities. Today, there is a growing trend of workers commuting between suburbs. On any given day, 61,775 workers commute to jobs in Iowa counties other than the one in which they live. The most important reason for increased commuting has been employment growth. Rising incomes and the growth of suburbs have also been factors. In the past, the increased employment of women added to the number of commuters. Commuting patterns are a key consideration in transportation planning. In more urban states than Iowa, there is concern that the use of mass transit continues to decline. In Iowa, where so much of our commuting is between counties, private vehicles are often the only practical means of getting to and from work. On any given day, 1,155,008 single-occupancy vehicles are driven to and from jobs somewhere in Iowa. At the same time, an additional158,699 workers share rides by participating in carpools.
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A dynamic, three-commodity rational-expectations storage model is used to compare the impact of the Federal Agricultural Improvement and Reform (FAIR) Act of 1996 with a freemarket policy and with the agricultural policies that preceded the FAIR Act. Results support the hypothesis that the changes made when FAIR was enacted did not lead to permanent significant increases in the volatility of farm prices or revenues. An important finding is that the main economic impacts of the Pre-FAIR scenario, relative to the free-market regime were to transfer income to farmers and to substitute government storage for private storage in a way that did little to support prices or to stabilize farm incomes.
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How did Europe overtake China? We construct a simple Malthusian model with two sectors, and use it to explain how European per capita incomes and urbanization rates could surge ahead of Chinese ones. That living standards could exceed subsistence levels at all in a Malthusian setting should be surprising. Rising fertility and falling mortality ought to have reversed any gains. We show that productivity growth in Europe can only explain a small fraction of rising living standards. Population dynamics - changes of the birth and death schedules - were far more important drivers of the longrun Malthusian equilibrium. The Black Death raised wages substantially, creating important knock-on effects. Because of Engel's Law, demand for urban products increased, raising urban wages and attracting migrants from rural areas. European cities were unhealthy, especially compared to Far Eastern ones. Urbanization pushed up aggregate death rates. This effect was reinforced by more frequent wars (fed by city wealth) and disease spread by trade. Thus, higher wages themselves reduced population pressure. Without technological change, our model can account for the sharp rise in European urbanization as well as permanently higher per capita incomes. We complement our calibration exercise with a detailed analysis of intra-European growth in the early modern period. Using a panel of European states in the period 1300-1700, we show that war frequency can explain a good share of the divergent fortunes within Europe.
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Cross-sectional study that used the Social Network Index and the genogram to assess the social network of 110 family caregivers of dependent patients attended by a Home Care Service in São Paulo, Brazil. Data were analyzed using the test U of Mann-Whitney, Kruskal-Wallis and Spearman correlation. Results were considered statistically significant when p<0,05. Few caregivers participated in activities outside the home and the average number of people they had a bond was 4,4 relatives and 3,6 friends. Caregivers who reported pain and those who had a partner had higher average number of relatives who to trust. The average number of friends was higher in the group that reported use of medication for depression. Total and per capita incomes correlated with the social network. It was found that family members are the primary caregiver’s social network.
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A transição para o modo de tributação único, a nível de rendimentos, constituiu uma modificação profunda na base de incidência e nas regras de determinação da matéria colectável dos impostos sobre os rendimentos, de forma a exprimir uma nova relação contribuinte – fisco, baseada numa maior transparência e simplificação dos procedimentos por parte da Administração Fiscal, mas também duma maior responsabilização dos contribuintes pelos seus comportamentos e declarações. Este trabalho teve como propósito estudar a forma como os rendimentos familiares são tributados, nomeadamente, a incidência na tributação de sujeitos passivos singulares, referindo assim o periodo da tributação, os métodos utilizados na determinação da matéria colectável e as taxas aplicadas. Para tanto, foram reunidos estudos teóricos e práticos a nível da tributação dos rendimentos de pessoas singulares, nomeadamente os principios e as regras praticados. Foi feito um estudo de caso sobre apuramento de imposto dos contribuintes casados dois titulares, a partir de formulários modelos 6A da Repartição de Finanças São Vicente, e o objecto desse estudo foi separar os rendimentos desses contribuintes e fazer o apuramento do respectivo imposto em separado. Os resultados do estudo apontam uma vantagem bastante satisfatória para os contribuintes no que diz respeito ao apuramento do imposto em separado. The transition to the unique taxation method, in the level of incomes, is a deep modification in the incidence base and in the determination rules of the basis of tax assessments of income taxes, in a way to express a new taxpayer – Exchequer relationship, based on a greater transparency and simplification of the procedures by Fiscal Administration, and a bigger responsabilization of taxpayers for their behaviours and declarations as well. The aim of this survey was to study how household incomes are taxed, namely: the incidence in the taxation of passive single persons, referring, thus, the taxation period, the methods used to determinate the basis of tax assessments and the applied taxes. For that, theoretical and practical studies were collected in the level of single persons incomes taxation, namely the principles and rules practised. A case study about tax verification of married taxpayers two holders was made, from São Vicente Financial Department’s 6A model forms, and the aim of this study was to separate the incomes of these taxpayers and make the verification of the respective tax separately. The results of this study points out a very satisfying advantage to taxpayers regarding the tax verification separately.
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Abstract OBJECTIVE To compare men and women who have hypertension with reference to the following: high blood pressure, biosocial variables, habits and life styles, mental disorders, and social support networks. METHOD 290 hypertensive patients (women, 62.1%) were evaluated. The assessments involved the following: measuring blood pressure with an automatic measuring device, evaluating social status through the Social Support Scale, and the use of a Self-Report Questionnaire (SRQ-20) to identify common mental disorders. A value of p<0.05 was considered statistically significant. RESULTS Women were found to be different to men (p<0.05) in the following areas having: better control of their blood pressure (64.4% vs 52.7%), less salary incomes, less diabetes, higher total cholesterol, higher body mass index and wider abdominal circumferences. They also had lower systolic blood pressure, lower levels of alcohol consumption and a greater prevalence for mental disorders. The social support assessment revealed that hypertensive women received less help with preparing meals but had more company from people which allowed them to engage in enjoyable activities. CONCLUSION Women had more control over their blood pressure than men, despite the presence of negative biopsychosocial factors that may have influenced their adherence to the treatments.
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We study the quantitative properties of a dynamic general equilibrium model in which agents face both idiosyncratic and aggregate income risk, state-dependent borrowing constraints that bind in some but not all periods and markets are incomplete. Optimal individual consumption-savings plans and equilibrium asset prices are computed under various assumptions about income uncertainty. Then we investigate whether our general equilibrium model with incomplete markets replicates two empirical observations: the high correlation between individual consumption and individual income, and the equity premium puzzle. We find that, when the driving processes are calibrated according to the data from wage income in different sectors of the US economy, the results move in the direction of explaining these observations, but the model falls short of explaining the observed correlations quantitatively. If the incomes of agents are assumed independent of each other, the observations can be explained quantitatively.
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A actividade turística só faz sentido, e torna-se viável, quando se proporciona uma experiência qualitativa aos principais agentes envolvidos, isto é, quando haja a optimização da experiência turística, a conservação ambiental e cultural e a inclusão social, pela participação activa das comunidades locais. Assim, esta monografia debruça-se sobre a análise de um desses pilares, mais concretamente, a população local, e como tal, objectiva-se analisar a sua percepção sobre os impactos económicos do turismo no desenvolvimento da ilha de São Vicente. Contudo, para dar uma resposta coerente à problemática deste estudo, que é identificar os impactos económicos do turismo percebido pelos residentes, recorreu-se à uma abordagem económica do turismo, tendo em conta as nomenclaturas desenvolvidas no âmbito da Conta Satélite do Turismo. Na avaliação dos impactos, fez-se a aplicação de um inquérito por questionário, dirigido aos residentes das zonas de Norte Baía, Ribeira de Calhau, São Pedro e o Centro da Cidade. Definiu-se uma amostra representativa de 200 indivíduos, analisando a relação entre o turismo e um conjunto de variáveis económicas tais como o emprego, o rendimento, as receitas governamentais, as infra-estruturas, a sazonalidade, os investimentos, e a inflação. Pelos resultados obtidos, concluiu-se que o turismo contribui positivamente para aumentar o emprego, o rendimento, melhorar a qualidade de vida, o aparecimento de novas empresas, o aumento do Produto Interno Bruto e ainda contribui para o desenvolvimento económico da ilha. Contudo, os resultados permitiram concluir que a ilha não depende, do ponto de vista económico, exclusivamente do turismo. Touristic activity only makes sense and becomes profitable when it brings a qualitative experience to the parties involved, i.e. when it results in an improvement of the touristic experience, with an environmental and cultural protection and social inclusion, through the active participation of the local communities, we developed this monograph based on the analysis of the people´s perception about the economic impact of the tourism in the development of São Vicente island. However, in order to have a coherent answer to the issues this document is concerned with, i.e to identify the economic impact of the tourism on people´s live, we went through an economic approach of the tourism, taking in consideration the nomenclature developed in the sphere of Tourism Satellite Account. For the evaluation of the impact we resorted to an enquiry to the residents of Norte Baía, Ribeira de Calhau, São Pedro, and Mindelo. A representative sample of 200 individuals has been defined, to analyze the relationship between the tourism itself and several economic targets, such as: employment, profits, infrastructure, season, investment, inflation. According to the analysis we concluded that the tourism has positively contributed to the uprising of new enterprise, to the increasing of the gross domestic product, to rise up the employment rate, to increase family´s incomes and consequently a better life quality and also to the economic development of São Vicente Island. Nevertheless we also concluded that economically São Vicente does not depend only on the tourism incomes.
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We use aggregate GDP data and within-country income shares for theperiod 1970-1998 to assign a level of income to each person in theworld. We then estimate the gaussian kernel density function for theworldwide distribution of income. We compute world poverty rates byintegrating the density function below the poverty lines. The $1/daypoverty rate has fallen from 20% to 5% over the last twenty five years.The $2/day rate has fallen from 44% to 18%. There are between 300 and500 million less poor people in 1998 than there were in the 70s.We estimate global income inequality using seven different popularindexes: the Gini coefficient, the variance of log-income, two ofAtkinson s indexes, the Mean Logarithmic Deviation, the Theil indexand the coefficient of variation. All indexes show a reduction in globalincome inequality between 1980 and 1998. We also find that most globaldisparities can be accounted for by across-country, not within-country,inequalities. Within-country disparities have increased slightly duringthe sample period, but not nearly enough to offset the substantialreduction in across-country disparities. The across-country reductionsin inequality are driven mainly, but not fully, by the large growth rateof the incomes of the 1.2 billion Chinese citizens. Unless Africa startsgrowing in the near future, we project that income inequalities willstart rising again. If Africa does not start growing, then China, India,the OECD and the rest of middle-income and rich countries diverge awayfrom it, and global inequality will rise. Thus, the aggregate GDP growthof the African continent should be the priority of anyone concerned withincreasing global income inequality.
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This essay deals with the reasons explaining children s work in 19th century textile factories and their removal during the first part of the 20th century. The inadequacy of the structure of incomes and expenditures of the household and the very low economic incentives to educate children can explain why children were in the factories and not in the school. Moreover, the marginal economic contribution to the economy of the household of a child was the same as that of his mother. This normally implied that women and children were perfect substitutes. When the family had a child at working age this allowed to replace the paid work input of the mother. With the beginnings of the 20th century a set of changes leading to the increase of women s productivity and hourly real wages, switched the situation and involved the new incorporation of women into paid work and the investment in children s human capital.
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The archipelago of Cape Verde is made up of ten islands and nine islets and is located between latitudes 14º 28' N and 17º 12' N and longitudes 22º 40' W and 25º 22' W. It is located approximately 500 km from the Senegal coast in West Africa (Figure 1). The islands are divided into two groups: Windward and Leeward. The Windward group is composed of the islands of Santo Antão, São Vicente, Santa Luzia, São Nicolau, Sal and Boavista; and the Leeward group is composed of the islands Maio, Santiago, Fogo and Brava. The archipelago has a total land surface of 4,033 km2 and an Economic Exclusive Zone (ZEE) that extends for approximately 734,000 km2. In general, the relief is very steep, culminating with high elevations (e.g. 2,829 m on Fogo and 1,979 m on Santo Antão). The surface area, geophysical configuration and geology vary greatly from one island to the next. Cape Verde, due to its geomorphology, has a dense and complex hydrographical network. However, there are no permanent water courses and temporary water courses run only during the rainy season. These temporary water courses drain quickly towards the main watersheds, where, unless captured by artificial means, continue rapidly to lower areas and to the sea. This applies equally to the flatter islands. The largest watershed is Rabil with an area of 199.2 km2. The watershed areas on other islands extend over less than 70 km2. Cape Verde is both a least developed country (LDC) and a small island development state (SIDS). In 2002, the population of Cape Verde was estimated at approximately 451,000, of whom 52% were women and 48% men. The population was growing at an average 2.4% per year, and the urban population was estimated at 53.7 %. Over the past 15 years, the Government has implemented a successful development strategy, leading to a sustained economic growth anchored on development of the private sector and the integration of Cape Verde into the world economy. During this period, the tertiary sector has become increasingly important, with strong growth in the tourism, transport, banking and trade sectors. Overall, the quality of life indicators show substantial improvements in almost all areas: housing conditions, access to drinking water and sanitation, use of modern energy in both lighting and cooking, access to health services and education. Despite these overall socio-economic successes, the primary sector has witnessed limited progress. Weak performance in the primary sector has had a severe negative impact on the incomes and poverty risks faced by rural workers1. Moreover, relative poverty has increased significantly during the past decade. The poverty profile shows that: (i) extreme poverty is mostly found in rural areas, although it has also increased in urban areas; (ii) poverty is more likely to occur when the head of the household is a woman; (iii) poverty increases with family size; (iv) education significantly affects poverty; (v) the predominantly agricultural islands of Santo Antão and Fogo have the highest poverty rates; (vi) unemployment affects the poor more than the nonpoor; (vii) agriculture and fisheries workers are more likely to be poor than those in other sectors. Therefore, the fight against poverty and income inequalities remains one of the greatest challenges for Cape Verde authorities. The various governments of Cape Verde over the last decade have demonstrated a commitment to improving governance, notably by encouraging a democratic culture that guarantees stability and democratic changes without conflicts. This democratic governance offers a space for a wider participation of citizens in public management and consolidates social cohesion. However, there are some remaining challenges related to democratic governance and the gains must be systematically monitored. Finally, it is worth emphasizing that the country’s insularity has stimulated a movement to decentralized governance, although social inequalities and contrasts from one island to the next constitute, at the same time, challenges and opportunities.
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This paper argues that Malthusian regimes are capable of sustained changes in per capita incomes. Shifting mortality and fertility schedules can lead to different steady-state income levels, with long periods of growth during the transition. Europe checked the downward pressure on wages through late marriage, which reduced fertility, and a mortality regime that combined high death rates with high incomes. We argue that both emerged as a result of the Black Death.
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How did Europe escape the "Iron Law of Wages?" We construct a simple Malthusian model withtwo sectors and multiple steady states, and use it to explain why European per capita incomes andurbanization rates increased during the period 1350-1700. Productivity growth can only explain a smallfraction of the rise in output per capita. Population dynamics changes of the birth and death schedules were far more important determinants of steady states. We show how a major shock to population cantrigger a transition to a new steady state with higher per-capita income. The Black Death was such ashock, raising wages substantially. Because of Engel's Law, demand for urban products increased, andurban centers grew in size. European cities were unhealthy, and rising urbanization pushed up aggregatedeath rates. This effect was reinforced by diseases spread through war, financed by higher tax revenues.In addition, rising trade also spread diseases. In this way higher wages themselves reduced populationpressure. We show in a calibration exercise that our model can account for the sustained rise in Europeanurbanization as well as permanently higher per capita incomes in 1700, without technological change.Wars contributed importantly to the "Rise of Europe", even if they had negative short-run effects. We thustrace Europe s precocious rise to economic riches to interactions of the plague shock with the belligerentpolitical environment and the nature of cities.