A política do ensino médio integrado no Espírito Santo e a experiência de sua implantação na Escola Estadual de Ensino Médio Arnulpho Mattos

Esta dissertação teve como objeto o Ensino Médio Integrado no Espírito Santo, sua trajetória e implantação a partir do Decreto 5.154/2004. O objetivo principal foi analisar a política do ensino médio integrado à educação profissional técnica de nível médio implementada no Espírito Santo. Investigar a educação pública pressupõe contextualizar a sociedade e as construções sociais que se projetam. O ensino médio no Brasil, enquanto etapa intermediária entre o ensino fundamental e a educação superior constitui-se de grande complexidade na estruturação de políticas públicas, no que tange à sua expansão qualitativa e quantitativa. Foram estabelecidos os seguintes objetivos específicos: identificar os pressupostos teóricos e pedagógicos contidos na Proposta Pedagógica da unidade escolar EEEFM Arnulpho Mattos; analisar a matriz curricular e a proposta pedagógica; relacionar o projeto pedagógico do curso com a prática educacional relatada nos encontros com os alunos; analisar a organização escolar e sua gestão política e pedagógica em face da proposta do EMI; relacionar a proposta do EMI, o princípio da politecnia e os relatos dos alunos; mapear a oferta do EMI no estado e o seu investimento financeiro. Nesse cenário, identificamos a relação entre trabalho e educação que contextualiza a relação da escola com a sociedade no sistema capitalista, em especial no ensino médio. Assim, nossa hipótese foi que esta política tem dificuldades de alcançar seus objetivos porque sua estrutura material segue a lógica da escola capitalista, assentada na perspectiva da Teoria do Capital Humano. A formação profissional no ensino médio é uma demanda social e histórica da classe trabalhadora, que necessita ingressar mais rápido no mercado de trabalho do que os filhos das elites brasileiras. A metodologia empregada foi uma pesquisa do tipo qualitativa, sendo um estudo de caso da EEEF Arnulpho Mattos. Os procedimentos metodológicos adotados para a investigação foram: observação, entrevistas semi-estruturadas, a análise documental, a revisão bibliográfica e os princípios metodológicos inscritos na sociologia da experiência (DUBET, 1994). Na articulação desses procedimentos, verificamos que a política do ensino médio integrado no ES teve, em seu início, um planejamento de implantação bem estruturado mas interrompido e, posteriormente, caracterizou-se pela descontinuidade das ações. Ademais, constatamos que os alunos ingressam e permanecem no curso sem compreenderem de fato o que significa a formação integrada entre a área geral e a técnica/profissional. Nos grupos de discussão percebemos que bastaram alguns encontros para que se pudesse estabelecer uma visão e relação diferenciadas com a experiência social do ensino médio integrado, principalmente por serem alunos trabalhadores. Acrescentamos às nossas conclusões que há iniciativas da escola acerca da integração entre as disciplinas de formação geral e técnicas, mas sem apoio ou orientação da unidade gestora, ou seja, a Sedu. A ampliação da oferta do EMI ocorreu no estado sem investimento na formação e valorização dos professores, sem concurso público e sem uma infra-estrutura necessária para a formação de jovens e adultos com capacidade de entender e de interferir no mundo do trabalho.

Inteligência como dispositivo de poder

O objetivo do presente estudo, é compreender a inscrição individual e social de discursos usados por alunas, em diferentes posições de classe social, para explicar os seus sucessos académicos. Foram entrevistadas 19 alunas portuguesas do 11º ano de escolaridade provenientes das classes trabalhadora e alta, com elevado rendimento académico. A Análise Foucaudiana do Discurso aponta para a importância da posição de classe na construção dos sujeitos relativamente à sua conceção de inteligência e ao sucesso escolar. A inteligência funciona assim como um dispositivo de poder que regula as relações entre sujeitos de diferentes classes sociais.

Els obrers industrials de Mataró 1870-1900 : una aproximació al seu entorn social, a partir de la premsa local de l'època

Aproximació a la realitat, influències i expectatives dels obrers de la ciutat de Mataró, durant el darrer terç del segle XIX, basada principalment en la lectura de la premsa local de l'època. Amb la intenció d'il·lustrar les llums i ombres de la industrialització i del liberalisme econòmic en una fase incipient, a través d'un col·lectiu social representatiu.

Urban malaria in the Brazilian Western Amazon Region I: high prevalence of asymptomatic carriers in an urban riverside district is associated with a high level of clinical malaria

Cross sectional studies on malaria prevalence was performed in 2001, 2002, and 2004 in Vila Candelária, an urban riverside area of Porto Velho, Rondônia, in the Brazilian Western Amazon, followed by longitudinal surveys on malaria incidence. Vila Candelária is a working class district, provided with electricity, water supply, and basic sanitation. Previous preliminary surveys indicated high malaria incidence in this community. At the end of year 2000 regular diagnostic and treatment measures for malaria were introduced, with active search of febrile cases among residents. Despite of both rapid treatment of cases and relative good sanitary and housing conditions, the malaria incidence persisted at high levels during the following years with an annual parasite index of 150 to 300/1000 inhabitants. Parasite surveys in 2001, 2002, and 2004 achieved through microscopy and polymerase chain reaction to diagnose malaria showed a constant high prevalence of asymptomatic carriers for both Plasmodium falciparum and P. vivax parasites. It was concluded that asymptomatic carriers represent an important reservoirs of parasites and that the carriers might contribute to maintaining the high level of transmission. Comparing our findings to similar geo-demographic situations found in other important urban communities of the Brazilian Amazon, we propose that asymptomatic carriers could explain malaria's outbreaks like the one recently observed in Manaus.

Contribució a l'estudi de la Girona obrera (1841-1876)

Estudi sobre els inicis de la industrialització i el naixement de l'obrerisme a Girona

Protection des travailleuses enceintes et des enfants à naître: ce que doit savoir le médecin

Quarante-cinq pour cent de la population active suisse est constituée de femmes. Parmi celles-ci beaucoup auront à concilier vie professionnelle et grossesse. La grossesse n'est certes pas une maladie mais elle engendre des changements dans l'organisme de la femme qui rendent certains travaux plus pénibles, voire dangereux pour leur santé et celle de l'enfant à naître. Employeurs et médecins se doivent donc d'assurer à la travailleuse enceinte une grossesse sans danger. Pour ce faire, il existe des directives légales relatives à la loi sur le travail et portant sur la protection de la femme enceinte qui doivent être connues et appliquées. L'article résume ainsi cette problématique et propose aux médecins des sources d'informations pratiques tout en leur faisant part de l'utilité de faire appel au médecin du travail. 45% of workers in Switzerland are women who will sooner or later have to accomodate work and pregnancy. Pregnancy is not a disease but some occupational activities become more difficult and may cause health problems for the pregnant woman or the child to be born. Employers and medical doctors have to assure to the working pregnant women a pregnancy without work risks. Consequently they have to know the legal recommandations for the pregnancy protection which are noticed in the Swiss law. This article summarizes this topic in giving to medical doctors the necessary informations and advices, and explains the role of the occupational physician

Le médecin face aux inégalités sociales de santé: quel pouvoir d'action [General practitioners facing social inequalities in health: which power to act?].

The link between social inequalities and health has been known for many years, as attested by Villermé's work on the "mental and physical status of the working class" (1840). We have more and more insight into the nature of this relationship, which embraces not only material deprivation, but also psychological mechanisms related to social and interpersonal problems. Defining our possible role as physicians to fight against these inequalities has become a public health priority. Instruments and leads, which are now available to help us in our daily practice, are presented here.

Professionaalien uraketjut

Summary: Careers of professionals

Líderes obreros y vanguardias culturales: la presencia del obrerismo en la Barcelona de la primera posguerra europea

Teresa Abelló analyses here an aspect of Barcelona's socio-cultural life in the period that goes from the first to the Second World War. She concentrates her attention on a new model of working-class leader that have promoted a clear cut with XIX century internationalist leading manual workers. The new manners embodied on the person of Salvador Seguít, he General Secretary of the anarchosyndicalist CNT. Abelló points aout at the same time . the relationship between these new social habits and the cultural avantgardes of the moment -either literary, pictoria or artistic in general.

Líderes obreros y vanguardias culturales: la presencia del obrerismo en la Barcelona de la primera posguerra europea

Teresa Abelló analyses here an aspect of Barcelona's socio-cultural life in the period that goes from the first to the Second World War. She concentrates her attention on a new model of working-class leader that have promoted a clear cut with XIX century internationalist leading manual workers. The new manners embodied on the person of Salvador Seguít, he General Secretary of the anarchosyndicalist CNT. Abelló points aout at the same time . the relationship between these new social habits and the cultural avantgardes of the moment -either literary, pictoria or artistic in general.

De què vas, tio?

My study is based on an ethnography of two groups of young people from working-class neighbourhoods in Barcelona. I was interested in researching the impact of Catalan language policies on the identities of young people of Spanish-speaking immigrant families. I sought to go beyond the constraints of traditional structuralist approaches in Sociolinguistics in order to make my analysis relevant to people working for gender equality, the promotion of the Catalan language, or other social causes. I combine ideas from Bakhtin, Bourdieu, Fairclough, Foucault and Goffman to build a dialectical, historical, process-centred perspective that conceptualises practices in terms of social and political struggles.I analyse young people's peer-group activities in terms of their significance for the construction of gender identities. I propose a variety of forms of masculinity and femininity according to the various ways in which members organised their gender displays in face-to-face interaction.I also show how their use of argot and dialectal Spanish was part of the processes whereby members defined their relationships, constructed particular subject positions in interaction and struggled to legitimate their own values.I explore the meanings constructed through Catalan and Spanish by looking into the code-switching practices of my participants. I analysed their talk in terms of narratives that present particular sequential dramatisations of events for conversational audiences. These narratives follow the expressive intention of the author, and are populated with multiple voices of animated characters. I argue that, in the groups I studied, Catalan was generally not used to animate the voices that were central to the identities of the peer-group, and particularly to masculine identities.In order to contextualise these practices within the wider society, I also look into the processes of language choice in face-to-face encounters. I argue that existing conventions made it difficult for people to find opportunities to speak Catalan. I also pointed to the difficulties that my participants had to find employment, which were particularly acute amongst the more politically aware individuals. I conclude that these young working-class people had little possibilities of investing in more egalitarian forms of identity given their lack of resources and opportunities to develop their identities in other social spaces, such as the workplace.

Entre culture du consensus et critique sociale : les intellectuels de gauche dans la Suisse de l'après-guerre (1945-1968)

Cette thèse étudie l'engagement des intellectuels de gauche dans la vie politique suisse, de 1945 à 1968. D'une part, il s'agit de retracer l'évolution du statut des intellectuels, que ce soit dans ou hors des partis. D'autre part, il est question d'analyser les débats politiques au sein desquels ces intellectuels furent impliqués, et la manière dont ces débats suscitèrent des clivages entre eux. De ce point de vue, nous mettons en lumière les différents courants et groupes formés par les intellectuels progressistes, souvent structurés autour de revues ; il s'agit aussi bien d'étudier l'engagement de personnalités sociales-démocrates que des communistes prosoviétiques, sans oublier les chrétiens pacifistes ou les intellectuels proches de la gauche radicale antistalinienne. S'agissant de l'évolution du statut des acteurs étudiés, ce travail souligne le déclin de la figure de l'intellectuel de gauche organiquement lié à son parti, souvent issu du milieu ouvrier, au profit d'intellectuels critiques, généralement au bénéfice d'une formation académique et revendiquant une certaine autonomie par rapport aux organisations politiques. Du point de vue des débats politiques, l'engagement des intellectuels de gauche est envisagé à la lumière de trois périodes. Tout d'abord, nous étudions la phase de l'immédiat après-guerre (1945-1949), marquée par une poussée de la gauche, y compris prosoviétique, qui met en cause le conservatisme politique issu des années de Mobilisation. Nous étudions ensuite les années les plus tendues de la guerre froide, entre 1950 et 1962, durant lesquelles la vie politique et intellectuelle en Suisse est dominée par un fort anticommunisme, auquel se rallient les dirigeants du Parti socialiste. Pourtant, l'engagement de certains intellectuels progressistes, en particulier dans le mouvement pacifiste, met en cause le consensus politique de guerre froide. Enfin, dans une troisième partie, nous montrons comment la critique intellectuelle de gauche se renforce après 1962, à la faveur de la détente Est-Ouest sur le plan international, et avec l'essor, en Suisse même, du mouvement des « non- conformistes ». Ce mouvement est animé par des intellectuels qui dénoncent le conservatisme helvétique, les excès de l'anticommunisme ou qui affirment leur solidarité avec les travailleurs immigrés en Suisse, aussi bien qu'avec les mouvements sociaux dans les pays du tiers-monde. Nous montrons en particulier comment l'engagement de ces intellectuels progressistes contribue à préparer le terrain pour les mobilisations de la jeunesse qui surviendront dans les « années 1968 ». -- This thesis adresses the political commitment of left-wing intellectuals in Switzerland between 1945 and 1968. It aims, on the one hand, to examine how the status of intellectuals developed within and outside of political parties. On the other hand, it endeavours to understand the political debates that involved and sometimes split these intellectuals. In this intent, we examine the various political orientations and formations that brought left-wing intellectuals together - often around dedicated periodicals - such as the Social-democratic, the Communist, the Christian Progressist or the anti-Stalinist Marxist movements. Regarding the evolving status of left-wing opinion leaders, we observe the decline of the organic, party-affiliated intellectuals - often from a working class background. By contrast, critical academics - left-wing oriented but.not directly linked to a political formation - became prevailing figures. Concerning left-wing intellectuals' involvement in the political debate, we differentiate three historical periods. Firstly, the immediate postwar years (1945-1949) were characterised by the strengthening of a left-wing faction, including pro-Soviet forces, which criticized the conservative political consensus built up during the War. Secondly, during the most tense years of the Cold War (1950-1962), the Swiss political and intellectual life became widely dominated by a strong anticommunism, supported by the Social-Democratic leaders. Still, the commitment of certain progressist intellectuals, particularly in the pacifist movement, called into question the political consensus resulting from the Cold War. This questioning strengthened after 1962, in the context of the Détente, corresponding to the rise of the "non-conformist" movement. This movement stemmed from progressist intellectuals, who criticized the Swiss conservatism, and the excesses of official anticommunism, while declaring their solidarity with immigrant workers or with the social movements in the Third World. We show in particular how these intellectuals paved the way for the youth mobilization due to occur in the "1968 years".