Movimento dos trabalhadores sem terra: observações sobre a reforma intelectual e moral gramsciana

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Consciência e territorialização contra-hegemônica: uma análise das políticas de formação da Via Campesina América do Sul

Pós-graduação em Geografia - FCT

Revisitando a literatura sobre o empresariado industrial brasileiro: dilemas e controvérsias

Over the past five decades several different interpretative traditions have taken on the task of trying to explain the origin of industrialists in Brazil and to analyze their behavior pattern from a business perspective, as well as in response to the country's biggest political issues. Although this is a stimulating subject, considering the important role to be played by these social actors in weaving the fabric of capitalist modernization in 20th century Brazil, not much of substance has been written about it, in contrast with, for instance, research about the working class. This paper makes a brief assessment of what we believe to be one of the most significant among the possible variables for interpreting the experience of the industrialist class, which demands the complexity inherent to the topic as a counterpoint to the simplified generalization which is recurrent in most writings about this subject.

O governo Lula: política, governabilidade e hegemonia

Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FFC

A sociabilidade do capital e o gerenciamento da questao social: o projeto ético-político profissional no cotidiano do assistente social

Pós-graduação em Serviço Social - FCHS

A concepção de trabalho na educação básica: caminhos para a formação da juventude no Instituto Federal de Educação, Ciência e Tecnologia do Ceará

In 2008 two laws that changed the didactic- pedagogic and administrative organization of vocational schools were enacted: the Law 11.741/2008, which incorporated the Technical Professional Education for the Middle Level to Basic Education; and Law 11.892/2008,which has transformed Agrotechnical Schools, the CEFET 's and some technical schools linked to universities into Colleges of Education, Science and Technology (IFs). These institutions have been operating at all levels and types of education provided in the Law of Directives and Bases of National Education number 9394/1996, with the exception of Early Childhood Education. Vocational and training schools, which gave origin to the IFs,have historically restricted youth education to teaching professional techniques, but due to the reformist laws, they were led to revise their conceptions of work and education. Thus, the goal of this article is to analyze the concepts of Basic Education and work that permeate these laws and the organization of educational work at IFCE. Have these laws been promoting a rupture with the history of vocational education in the country? Have the IFs been accomplishing a teaching job in addition to technical training? The choice for these questions was motivated by two main reasons: a) Vocational Education in the aforementioned institutions have traditionally been restricted to the qualication of the labor force for learning a technical profession, without relating it to issues that concern basic education; b) The Reform of Basic Education, from 1990 to 2013, was conducted in the context of capital's structural crisis and aimed to adapt the educational system to the demands of productive sectors. Thus, the main objective of this paper is to explain the contradictions that exist in project of formation of the working class, in the context of a conictual society divided into classes, a situation that alienates the youth to live this time forever.

Ser professor no século XXI: notas para uma discussão política

Among living beings, the human species is distinguished by the need to produce material and intentionally its existence through labor, an important part of a process of humanization. However, in the current historical conditions, the work does not meet the vital needs of the vast majority, as they do not owned what they produce, they do not realize as humans beings in work activity, they dehumanize themselves. Since, even in such conditions, continue to work everyday, we ask ourselves how they support the condition in which they live. As the decision of the historical men are defined by the education process they experienced, we question whether the schooling that take places in capitalist public school has the purpose of developing an instruction in the working class graduating to be exploited at work throughout life, consenting to be bound of the relationships use of themselves by others, multiple determinate, while they are adapted to a life without the products work. Our hypothesis is that to make this education project, the public school needed to assimilate the scientific management, developed by Frederyck Taylor, in the pedagogical organization. We based on dialectical and historical materialism, which we established the public school environment as reproducing the class struggle, highlighting the teacher work. The research was conducted in a Bauru’s public school, where teachers answered questionnaires that were used to analyze the formulated hypothesis

Violência familiar, pauperismo e sociabilidade burguesa: a vida das famílias atendidas no CREAS II em Ribeirão Preto-SP

Pós-graduação em Serviço Social - FCHS

Crítica ao conceito de Necessidades Básicas de Aprendizagem (NEBA) a partir da categoria marxiana de necessidades humanas

Pós-graduação em Educação Escolar - FCLAR

Fra il nome e la storia. Trasformazioni del discorso politico e concetto di classe al principio della monarchia di Luglio (1831-1832)

La ricerca indaga tensioni e trasformazioni che investono le principali correnti di pensiero politico in Francia nei primi anni della monarchia di Luglio, e vi osserva l’emergere del concetto di classe. Assumendo la dimensione dell’avvenimento come punto di intersezione fra storia e teoria, l’elaborato si concentra sul periodo novembre 1831-giugno 1832 per analizzare il modo in cui, nell’ordine del discorso politico repubblicano, liberale e socialista, le vicende di questi mesi vengono interpretate cercando di dar nome alle figure sociali che esse fanno irrompere nel dibattito pubblico. Il titolo Fra il nome e la storia fa dunque riferimento allo sforzo di indagare il campo di tensione che si apre fra concreto divenire storico e grandi operazioni di nominazione che segnano l’affiorare di strutture concettuali della lunga durata. L’emergere della nozione di classe operaia e delle categorie che intorno a essa si organizzano viene interpretata come una «formazione discorsiva» che pone in questione significato e confini del politico. La frattura del 1848 è assunta come orizzonte e margine esterno della ricerca nella misura in cui si ipotizza che essa segni una prima affermazione del regime di verità di tale formazione discorsiva: lo statuto politico del lavoro. L’elaborato consta di quattro capitoli. I primi tre indagano la riflessione sul politico e la funzione che in essa svolge il concetto di classe a partire dall’interpretazione di alcuni avvenimenti del tornante 1831-32 proposta nel discorso repubblicano del quotidiano «Le National» e della Société des Amis du Peuple, in quello del liberalismo dottrinario di François Guizot e in quello socialista nascente, prima del movimento sansimoniano, e poi muovendo fino al 1848 francese con l’analisi propostane da Karl Marx. Il quarto capitolo indaga infine la dimensione del «sociale», la sua elaborazione e articolazione attraverso il lavoro di studio e oggettivazione delle figure del mondo del lavoro.

The Lady Footballers and the British Press, 1895

Nettie Honeyball and Florence Dixie founded the British Ladies Football Club (BLFC) in 1894 with the aim to provide football-playing opportunities for girls and young women, but also as a means of making money. Theirs, in effect, was an attempt to create a professional football league for women. Public interest in 'the lady footballers' was enormous, at least in its early stages, and generated considerable attention from the press. Overall, press coverage of the BLFC was negative (football is a man's sport; football is a working-class sport; women are physically incapable of playing the game; women shouldn't appear publicly in bifurcated garments, etc.), with only a few notable exceptions. Did the stance adopted depend on the political leaning of the newspaper? Or were the reporters simply reflecting the social and economic realities of their time, struggling to 'explain' a marginal group - women athletes, or more specifically, middle-class women football players - engaging in a working-class male game? This article examines the press coverage of the BLFC. The double standard evident in the newspaper coverage was, on the surface, as one might expect: if a woman played well, she was a freak, possibly a man in disguise; if she didn't play well, it proved that women shouldn't play football. But on closer examination, the double standard was actually rather nuanced: if she played well and looked the part of a woman, she could be subject to praise; yet if she played well and didn't conform to the standard of feminine beauty, she faced ridicule, and her gender called into question.

Challenges of the Cooperative Movement In Addressing Issues of Human Security In the Context of a Neoliberal World: the Case of Argentina

The response of some Argentine workers to the 2001 crisis of neoliberalism gave rise to a movement of worker-recovered enterprises (empresas recuperadas por sus trabajadores or ERTs). The ERTs have emerged as former employees took over the control of generally fraudulently bankrupt factories and enterprises. The analysis of the ERT movement within the neoliberal global capitalist order will draw from William Robinson’s (2004) neo-Gramscian concept of hegemony. The theoretical framework of neo-Gramscian hegemony will be used in exposing the contradictions of capitalism on the global, national, organizational and individual scales and the effects they have on the ERT movement. The ERT movement has demonstrated strong level of resilience, despite the numerous economic, social, political and cultural challenges and limitations it faces as a consequence of the implementation of neoliberalism globally. ERTs have shown that through non-violent protests, democratic principles of management and social inclusion, it is possible to start constructing an alternative social order that is based on the cooperative principles of “honesty, openness, social responsibility and caring for others” (ICA 2007) as opposed to secrecy, exclusiveness, individualism and self-interestedness. In order to meet this “utopian” vision, it is essential to push the limits of the possible within the current social order and broaden the alliance to include the organized members of the working class, such as the members of trade unions, and the unorganized, such as the unemployed and underemployed. Though marginal in number and size, the members of ERTs have given rise to a model that is worth exploring in other countries and regions burdened by the contradictory workings of capitalism. Today, ERTs serve as living proofs that workers too are capable of successfully running businesses, not capitalists alone.

Building the New Society in the Shell of the Old: Finnish-Canadian Hall Socialism and the Canadian Industrial Unionist Support League

The literature on Finnish immigrant working-class movements in North America frequently makes reference to the phenomenon of "hall socialism," so-called because of the central position that the socialist or labor hall occupied in the political, associational, and cultural life of many Finnish communities throughout the twentieth-century. In the 1930s, over 80 such Finnish halls were spread across Canada, and many people associated with these halls vigorously supported the mission of organized labor. This paper will examine the history, ideas, and practices of the Industrial Workers of the World-influenced Canadan Teollisuusunionistien Kannatus Liitto (CTKL; Canadian Industrial Unionist Support League), and its connections to Finnish Canadian hall socialism. The paper will consider the role of the CTKL in supporting workers' struggles, the significance of the hall as a part of the infrastructural bedrock that sustained this support, and the broader interaction between social and radical organizing commitments.

Flash in the Pan: Cross-Class Cooperation in 1916 Iron Range Strike

In the Iron Range Strike of 1916, working-class wives picketed alongside their husbands in a conflict-ridden and dangerous setting. Mine deputies abused immigrant women on the picket lines and in their homes, with several disquieting reports receiving statewide attention in Minnesota. Many middle-class reformers in the Twin Cities grew sympathetic to the plight of northern mining families and became controversially involved the labor struggle. Some middleclass women worked alongside working-class wives and radical organizers from the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW). At the center of this gendered analysis is the cross-class cooperation between an upper-middle class woman, Lenora Austin Hamlin, a radical reformer, Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, and the story of a working-class housewife, Mikla Masonovich. This study will ask how authentic, prevalent, and unproblematic their stories of cross-class cohesive action actually were. In answering this, it will address and identify those factors that impeded women’s potential for unity. “Flash in the Pan” argues that as a result of both real and perceived differences, these networks of women remained isolated, inhibiting each from gaining sufficient power to work cohesively, and marginalizing their influence. Drawing upon a variety of sources, including media representations in newspapers, and archives of social, labor and women’s organizations, this regional study lends state-level insight into the larger gender-labor historiography.

Vida cotidiana de la clase obrera durante la última dictadura cívico-militar en la ciudad de Berisso, 1976-1983

Los estudios sobre clase obrera durante la última dictadura se dedicaron a explicar cómo afectaron a los trabajadores el plan sistemático de represión política y las políticas económicas gubernamentales, y cuáles fueron las respuestas ensayadas por el movimiento obrero, diferenciando entre las bases y las dirigencias sindicales. Estos análisis se focalizaron en las instancias de organización gremial y política, y en los lugares de trabajo de la clase obrera. De este modo, se observa una escasa presencia de investigaciones sobre los trabajadores durante la última dictadura desde una perspectiva que analice diferentes aspectos de su vida cotidiana, y en este sentido, más aún que abarque sus espacios cotidianos fuera de los ámbitos de trabajo y de organización sindical. Es esta ausencia la que motivó la pregunta que guiará la investigación: ¿cómo se desenvolvió la vida cotidiana de la clase obrera durante la última dictadura cívico-militar? Para responder esta pregunta será necesario indagar cómo afectaron en distintos espacios cotidianos de vida de la clase obrera las políticas de disciplinamiento y la reestructuración capitalista que caracterizaron a la etapa que se abre en 1976. Esta investigación tomará como caso de estudio a los los/as trabajadores/as de la carne, textiles y municipales de la ciudad de Berisso. Se analizarán sus modos de vida tanto en sus espacios laborales y gremiales como comunitarios, domésticos, de ocio y políticos. La pesquisa estará orientada a identificar sus redes de sociabilidad formal e informal e indagar sus actitudes sociales, sus prácticas y los sentidos que le han atribuido a ellas -a través de discursos, creencias, sentimientos y valores- en los diferentes ámbitos de acción nombrados; en un contexto nacional de clausura o intensa reducción del espacio público donde los ciudadanos se encontraban forzados a replegarse en sus ámbitos privados. De esta manera, se explorará ¿cuáles eran los comportamientos de los/as obreros/as en distintos espacios de su cotidianeidad? ¿Estaban ellos atravesados por las políticas de disciplinamiento?; en aquellos casos afirmativos, ¿cómo se manifestaban? ¿Las identidades de género o la procedencia nacional y/o étnico regional de los/as trabajadores/as incidieron en las respuestas que ellos/as ensayaron frente a las políticas de disciplinamiento? Y por último, ¿de qué modo ellos articulaban sus vivencias en dichos espacios cotidianos?