902 resultados para Social and economic crisis
Resumo:
Previo a la crisis socioeconómica argentina de 2001, la distribución porcentual en la venta de frutas y hortalizas a nivel nacional era de 70% en comercios tradicionales y 30% en supermercados, y en centros urbanos 55 y 45%, respectivamente, valores que se mantuvieron luego de la caída coyuntural en la participación de la venta en supermercados. En el 2000, los productos hortícolas mínimamente procesados alcanzaron niveles de participación en supermercados cercanos al 10% sobre la facturación total de las mismas; luego de la crisis se redujo casi al 5%. El objetivo del estudio fue determinar la tendencia general del mercado y la oferta de productos mínimamente procesados en 2006 para detectar las preferencias de los consumidores. Se relevaron 58 bocas de expendio según cadenas de supermercados en Capital Federal y Gran Buenos Aires. Los productos relevados fueron seleccionados por datos históricos de venta y espacio en góndola. Se registró: forma de presentación, peso por unidad de venta, precio, volúmenes de venta y firmas elaboradoras. Actualmente, la participación de los productos mínimamente procesados en la venta de frutas y verduras de los supermercados alcanza el 8,86%. El 61% de la venta se concentra en 15% de las bocas de expendio pertenecientes a cadenas de mayor venta y nivel adquisitivo, 85% se ubica en el cordón norte de Capital Federal y del Gran Buenos Aires.
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La inseguridad es uno de los mayores desafíos al que se enfrentan los gobernantes en América Latina. Este problema avanza desde una visión sectorial en los años ochenta hacia una visión transversal a partir de los noventa. Esto implica una evolución de su concepto; desde su consideración como una cuestión de seguridad de Estado de competencia policial y militar hacia la “seguridad humana", concepto multidimensional que contempla el desarrollo humano y la satisfacción de necesidades. En Argentina la inseguridad se agrava desde la crisis social y económica y es parte de la agenda política debido a los constantes reclamos de la sociedad. Sin embargo, con el transcurrir de los años se puede observar la imposibilidad de las gestiones gubernamentales de hacerle frente. Es por ello que en este trabajo se plantea la relación entre la seguridad humana y el Ordenamiento Territorial a través de la evaluación de la habitabilidad, enfoque que permite operacionalizar el concepto de seguridad de forma integradora y transversal. Para el desarrollo del trabajo se utiliza un caso de estudio: el piedemonte del Gran Mendoza. Se parte de la construcción de una metodología de análisis que permite espacializar los datos y de un sistema de variables e indicadores para medir la habitabilidad en términos de la seguridad humana.
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La presente nota analiza el recorrido de Lázaro de Tormes a través de su estadía con diferentes amos e identifica varios elementos que le permiten afirmar que la multiplicidad de sentidos, sobre la cual trabaja la obra, responde a un proyecto integral de crítica y puesta en evidencia de la crisis de los diversos sistemas de relaciones sociales: financiero, de intercambio, religioso, judicial, relaciones interpersonales, de costumbres. El autor señala como fuente de dicha crisis la falta de distinción entre necesidades reales y aparienciales
Resumo:
La presente nota analiza el recorrido de Lázaro de Tormes a través de su estadía con diferentes amos e identifica varios elementos que le permiten afirmar que la multiplicidad de sentidos, sobre la cual trabaja la obra, responde a un proyecto integral de crítica y puesta en evidencia de la crisis de los diversos sistemas de relaciones sociales: financiero, de intercambio, religioso, judicial, relaciones interpersonales, de costumbres. El autor señala como fuente de dicha crisis la falta de distinción entre necesidades reales y aparienciales
Resumo:
La presente nota analiza el recorrido de Lázaro de Tormes a través de su estadía con diferentes amos e identifica varios elementos que le permiten afirmar que la multiplicidad de sentidos, sobre la cual trabaja la obra, responde a un proyecto integral de crítica y puesta en evidencia de la crisis de los diversos sistemas de relaciones sociales: financiero, de intercambio, religioso, judicial, relaciones interpersonales, de costumbres. El autor señala como fuente de dicha crisis la falta de distinción entre necesidades reales y aparienciales
Resumo:
From 1995 to 2015, Ecuador experienced one of its longest periods of deep political, social and economic crisis. During this interval, three democratically elected governments (Bucaram, 1997; Mahuad, 2000 and Gutiérrez, 2005) were overthrown and a critical juncture arose in 2006 as a result. Since 2007, and as a consequence of these chaotic circumstances, new populist strongmen ascended and, amid the biggest bonanza of oil revenues in Ecuadorian history, established a defective democracy. The gradual escalation of authoritarian tendencies during the three consecutive terms in which Rafael Correa has acted as President, have resulted in the severe weakening of the country’s democratic institutions, since Correa’s has strived to perpetuate himself in power through continual re-election into office, instead of building an institutional quality-democracy. This study aims to clarify the historical foundations of the recurrence of caudillistas, populist and authoritarian governments in Ecuador, revealing the basis of the specific path dependence of Ecuadorian politics. We also explore the Jungian theory, specifically the “pseudo-hero myth”, as the political narrative which Correa’s regime successfully employed to establish its hegemony. Additionally, we perform a psychological-political case analysis by examining the social psychology components underlying the Ecuadorian path dependence towards authoritarian and populist caudillos: Specifically, our case study is framed within historical institutionalism, which focuses on methodological individualism to attend various political science and psychological-political theories...
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This article investigates the anomaly in apartheid history of the ruling National Party's (NP) fielding a ‘pro-gay rights’ candidate in the Hillbrow constituency during the 1987 whites-only election in South Africa. The NP was aided in its Hillbrow campaign by the gay magazine Exit, which encouraged its readership to ‘vote gay’ in the election and published a list of candidates who were favourable to gay rights in South Africa. The Hillbrow campaign is intelligible when the intersections between race and sexuality are analysed and the discourses wielded by the NP and Exit are spatially and historically situated. The Hillbrow/Exit gay rights campaign articulated discourses about the reform of apartheid in white self-interest and conflated white minority and gay minority rights, thereby contributing to the NP's justification for apartheid. The NP candidate's defeat of the incumbent Progressive Federal Party (PFP) MP for Hillbrow, Alf Widman, was trumpeted by Exit as a powerful victory and advance for gay rights in South Africa, but the result provoked a sharp backlash among many white gay men and lesbian women who organised to openly identify with the liberation movement. The Exit/Hillbrow campaign problematises the singular assumptions that are often made about race and sexuality in apartheid South Africa, and illustrates how political, social and economic crisis can provoke reconfigurations of identities vis-à-vis the status quo.
Resumo:
The financial and economic crisis which originated in 2008 has had a severe impact on the population of the Southern European countries. The economic policies of austerity and public deficit control, as well as the neo-liberal and conservative social policies are redefining the public social protection systems, in particular the Social Services. In order to get to understand the current situation, we shall explain how the Social Services were developed in Spain and analyse the causes and consequences of the economic crisis. The working hypothesis is that the greater the increase on the population’s needs, the more developed the Social Services should be. We carried out a descriptive analysis of the situation as far as the social impacts of the crisis per region are concerned. We tested the hypothesis through a parametric model of analysis of variance (one-way ANOVA) triangulating with the non-parametric Kruscal-Wallis test. The working hypothesis failed. The regions with better developed Social Services show a lower level of poverty and social exclusion. The challenges that the public Social Services system faces in times of crisis is three-fold: 1) re-modelling of local administration and transferring of the municipal Social Services responsibilities to the regional administration; 2) an increase of the population at risk of poverty and social exclusion 3) impact on social policies.
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The paper examines the impact of the economic crisis on public services, including government reponses and implications for companies operating in public services.
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Conventional wisdom has it that the EU is unable to promote viable social integration, which contrasts with its commitments to improving working and living conditions and to social values and goals such as solidarity, social protection and social inclusion. This
article challenges two diff erent standpoints: on the one hand, competitive neoliberalism demands that the EU focuses on economic integration through legally binding internal market and competition rules even if Member States can only maintain a limited commitment to social inclusion, while authors defending the social models unique to the continent of Europe demand that the EU rescinds some of its established legal principles in order to make breathing space for Member States to maintain market correcting social policies. Both positions convene that there should be no genuine social policy at EU level.
This article uses scenarios of widely discussed rulings by the Court of Justice to illustrate that legally enforceable economic integration would prevent most Member States from achieving sustainable health services, labour relations and free university education on the basis of national closure. Since the EU has limited legislative competences to create EU level institutions to balance inequalities, it derives a Constitution of Social Governance from the EU’s values, proposing that the Court of Justice develops its urisprudence into an instrument for challenging European disunion induced by new EU economic governance