250 resultados para Republics


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El interés del presente estudio de caso es analizar la estrategia de securitización implementada por el Presidente de la Republica de Uzbekistán Islam Karimov sobre el Movimiento Islámico de Uzbekistán. Se describe y se explica cómo desde las lógicas históricas y étnicas acontecidas en Asia Central, se pueden comprender los alcances internacionales de la confrontación antagónica ejercida entre uzbekos al apoyar ideas de corte secular e islamista. Así, siguiendo los parámetros establecidos por Barry Buzan con respecto a la securitización, se puede llegar a identificar la creación de una agenda de seguridad uzbeka en la región de Asia Central, cuyos logros permitieron disminuir el riesgo de la amenaza insurgente.

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El artículo analiza el crimen político durante las primeras décadas de vida de la República del Ecuador. Específicamente centra su estudio en el período dominado por la figura de Juan José Flores, primer presidente del Ecuador. La inestabilidad política, la precariedad de las alianzas entre las élites regionales, la crisis económica generada por las guerras de independencia, las conspiraciones y la violencia que caracterizaron al período de surgimiento de las repúblicas andinas hicieron del crimen político un “vicio de nacimiento”. El asesinato del general Antonio José de Sucre, la muerte de los miembros de la sociedad El Quiteño Libre, el homicidio de Juan Otamendi, entre otros, hicieron patente esta característica.

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Pós-graduação em Direito - FCHS

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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Two Latin American republics, Bolivia and Paraguay, lack sovereign access to ocean ports. Their landlocked status effectively forces them to export and import products through borders with neighbouring countries; for this purpose, they frequently use land transport modes which are intrinsically more costly than ocean transport. However, being distant from ocean ports is an attribute not only of landlocked countries; but also of states or provinces, such as Mato Grosso, in Brazil, or Tucumán, in Argentina, which belong to countries with direct access to the sea. If perfect political and economic integration were to be achieved in the region, the distances and topographic accidents between points such as La Paz, Bolivia, and Arica, Chile, or Asunción, Paraguay and Paranaguá, Brazil, would remain unchanged. What would disappear would be the delays at border crossings and their related costs. For the two landlocked countries, border expenses, although significant, are a relatively small fraction of the cost of the land segments of international transport. More important for these countries, are the dependency of infrastructure services and the institutional framework of the transit countries for the transport of their external trade.

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Although an essential condition for the occurrence of human development, economic growth is not always efficiently converted into quality of life by nation-states. Accordingly, the objective of this study is to measure the social efficiency-the ability of a nation-state to convert its produced wealth into quality of life-of a set of 101 countries. To achieve this goal, the Data Envelopment Analysis method was used in its standard, cross-multiplicative and inverted form, by means of a new approach called 'triple index'. The main results indicated that the former Soviet republics and Eastern European countries stood out in terms of social efficiency. The developed countries, notwithstanding their high social indicators, did not excel in efficiency; however, the countries of south of Africa, despite having the worst social conditions, were also the most inefficient.

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Fifteen independent countries emerged from the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1989-91. Aside from the Russian Federation, the former Soviet Republics lie in four geographic regions: the Caucasus (Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia); Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan); the Baltics (Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania); and Eastern Europe (Belarus, Moldova, Ukraine).

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This doctoral dissertation faces the debated topic of the traditions of Republicanism in the Modern Age assuming, as a point of view, the problem of the "mixed" government. The research therefore dwells upon the use of this model in Sixteenth-Century Italy, also in connection with the historical events of two standard Republics such as Florence and Venice. The work focuses on Donato Giannotti (1492-1573), Gasparo Contarini (1483-1542) and Paolo Paruta (1540-1598), as the main figures in order to reconstruct the debate on "mixed" constitution: in them, decisive in the attention paid to the peculiar structure of the Venetian Republic, the only of a certain dimension and power to survive after 1530. The research takes into account also the writings of Traiano Boccalini (1556-1613): he himself, though being involved in the same topics of debate, sets for some aspects his considerations in the framework of a new theme, that of Reason of State.

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Für alle fünf zentralasiatischen Teilrepubliken kam der Zusammenbruch der Sowjetunion im Jahr 1991 relativ plötzlich und eher unerwartet. Der Prozess der „Transformation“ beinhaltete für die neu entstandenen Staaten nun nicht nur die Umstellung politischer und wirtschaftlicher Systeme, sondern ebenso die Organisation von Erinnerung und die Konstruktion von Identität, bei der die staatliche Nationalisierungspolitik oft Paradebeispiele von invented traditions her-vorbrachte. rnIn Kasachstan, dem Land, das während der Sowjetzeit am stärksten russifiziert wurde und heute offiziell 120 Minderheiten zählt, stellt sich dabei die Frage, wie nationale Identitätsmus-ter konstruiert werden und wie Politik. Medien und Bevölkerung damit umgehen. Zwanzig Jahre nach der Unabhängigkeitserklärung des Landes und einer Phase, in der die Regierung mit einer Vielzahl von Maßnahmen versucht, den Identitätsfindungsprozess zu steuern, wurde im Rahmen dieser Arbeit erstmals eine empirische Studie zu der Frage durchgeführt, welche Bedeutungen bestimmte Identitätskonzepte für die lokale Bevölkerung haben. Während meh-rerer Forschungsaufenthalte von insgesamt vier Monaten in den Jahren 2010 und 2011 wurden in Hinblick auf die Fragestellung leitfadenorientierte Interviews und informelle Gespräche mit Teilen der kasachstanischen Bevölkerung geführt, teilnehmende Beobachtung, zwei Fragebo-genaktionen und eine Zeitungsanalyse durchgeführt sowie wissenschaftliche Studien und poli-tische Dokumente analysiert.rnDie Arbeit kommt zu dem Ergebnis, dass die Mehrheit der Befragten sich mehr oder weniger stark entweder über die Staatsbürgerschaft oder die ethnische Zugehörigkeit zur Titularnation mit dem Staat identifiziert. Auffällig ist die Bedeutung regionaler Identitäten für die Befrag-ten, die weder in der nationalen Identitätspolitik noch in der wissenschaftlichen Literatur von Wichtigkeit sind. Ethnische und religiöse Nivellierungen scheinen im Alltagsleben belanglos zu sein, aber in bestimmten anderen Kontexten eine entscheidende Rolle zu spielen. Starke Unterschiede in der Bedeutung verschiedener Identitätsmodelle lassen sich zwischen Stadt- und Landbevölkerung beziehungsweise zwischen sowjetisierten und nach der Wende repatri-ierten Kasachen ausmachen.rnEs ist anzunehmen, dass die Regierung der entscheidende Agent in der Identitätsfindung des Landes ist. Unter den Befragten zeigte sich, dass Identitätspolitik auf der pragmatischen Ebe-ne, beispielsweise in der Anerkennung von Russisch und Kasachisch als Staatssprachen, er-folgreicher ist als auf der emotionalen. rn

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Research has shown that public pay-as-you-go, defined-benefit pension plans penalise those who stay at work beyond a certain age by reducing the present discounted value of future retirement benefits. In discussions on the effectiveness of policies aimed at eliminating the age-dependency factor in workers' decisions to retire, it is often assumed either that the benefits in all future periods have the same weight in the present discounted value or that the discount rate is close to unity due to low real interest rates used in this case. Galuscak first considered the U.S. pension scheme, showing that discounting plays a crucial role since the formula for the present discounted value of future retirement benefits is sensitive to the discount rate used. He then analysed the role of social security incentives and retirement provisions on older workers' behaviour in the labour markets of the Czech and Slovak Republics and the effect of the macroeconomic environment on workers' decisions to retire. He calculated the optimal parameters of the Czech and Slovak pension rules and assessed the potential effectiveness of changes to the Czech scheme introduced in January 1996.

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Bulgaria, Albania and Romania are all parliamentary republics with a president as head of state. Although the Albanian president is elected by Parliament, he is arguably the strongest of the three, both in terms of the powers allowed by the provisional constitution and of Mr. Berisha's political practice. The constitutional reform underway in the country will however change the status quo. In Bulgaria and Romania the presidents are elected directly by popular vote, but their powers are relatively small as compared to the democratic legitimisation implied by direct elections. Actual presidential powers should however be assessed with caution as some of them are set by law or interpretations of constitutional texts, rather than by the constitutions themselves. There is also variation in the degree to which the presidents in office have exploited their constitutional powers or taken their role as non-aligned political brokers seriously. Mr. Berisha, in particular, was in control of party politics throughout his presidency and was one of the most polarising influences on public opinion. The excessive political polarisation in all three countries has however its own logic and power. Thus Mr. Zhelev invariably supported the emergence of a political centre in Bulgaria, but this did not succeed and the policy was as damaging to his political career as the fight with would-be centrists was to Berisha's. Political practice in all three countries seems to need a presidential figure. This adds flexibility to a situation governed by hostile and mutually suspicious parties, stuck parliaments and weak or inexperienced governments. The presidents also command considerable influence on public opinion. Public opinion in Bulgaria, for example, largely supports the idea of greater power for the president, in contrast with the opinions of constitutionalists and other law-makers in the country. Under the legacy of the past, the people have a love-hate relationship with such paternalist figures. Presidents personalise politics in the public mind, but they can also become scapegoats for political failures.

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The first outcome of this project was a synchronous description of the most widely spoken Romani dialect in the Czech and Slovak Republics, aimed at teachers and lecturers of the Romani language. This is intended to serve as a methodological guide for the demonstration of various grammatical phenomena, but may also assist people who want a basic knowledge of the linguistic structure of this neo-Indian language. The grammatical material is divided into 23 chapters, in a sequence which may be followed in teaching or studying. The book includes examples of the grammatical elements, but not exercises or articles. The second work produced was a textbook of Slovak Romani, which is the most detailed in the Czech or Slovak Republics to date. It is aimed at all those interested in active use of the Romani language: high school and university students, people working with the Roma, and Roma who speak little or nothing of the language of their forebears, The book includes 34 lessons, each containing relevant Romani tests (articles and dialogues), a short vocabulary list, grammatical explanations, exercises and examples of Romani written or oral expression. The textbook also contains a considerable amount of ethno-cultural information and notes on the life and traditions of the Roman, as well as pointing out some differences between different dialects. A brief Romani-Czech phrase book is included as an appendix.

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The Republican Alternative seeks to move beyond the mere notion of scholarly inquiry into the republic—the subject of recent rediscovery by political historians interested in Europe’s intellectual heritage—by investigating the practical similarities and differences between two early modern republics, as well as their self-images and interactions during the turbulent seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Among the world’s most economically successful societies, Switzerland and the Netherlands laid much of the foundation for their prosperity during the early modern period discussed here. This volume attempts to clarify the special character of these two countries as they developed, including issues of religious plurality, the republican form of government, and an increasingly commercially-driven agrarian society.

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Following the end of a half-century of Soviet occupation, Lithuania, like other former Soviet republics, has been in socio-economic disorder. Now that Lithuania is free, the system of social welfare is characterized by under-funded health services and pensions, and a large number of institutions. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with students and practitioners focusing on community development, using Lofland’s model of social setting analysis.Results indicate that the collaborative efforts successfully produced a revolutionary and successful social service program, a multi-generational living facility offering full-time social services to unwed mothers, infants, and elderly residents.This article is based upon the qualitative study of social work practitioners and social work students and chronicles the successes and difficulties encountered within the process of community development.

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A kvalitatív módszerekkel nyert kutatási eredményeink értelmezése során a transznacionális tér, a transznacionális és az etnikai migráció elméleti és szemléleti kereteit egyaránt figyelembe vettük. Az általunk vizsgált migrációs folyamatok transznacionális térben zajlanak, és a transznacionális irodalomban leírt migráns élethelyzetek, gyakorlatok – különböző nemzetállamokban elhelyezkedő lokalitásokhoz való egyidejű, bár eltérő intenzitású kötődés, kapcsolatok – több példájával is találkoztunk. Ludger Pries nyomán a transznacionális migrációt és a transznacionális migráns alakját olyan ideáltípusnak tekintettük, amelyhez az egyes migráns utak és helyzetek csupán közelítenek, és empirikus eredményeink alapján azt mondhatjuk, hogy a valóban plurilokális, vagyis a két helyhez való egyidejű, intenzív és tartós kötődés s az ehhez kapcsolódó gyakorlatok csupán a migránsok kisebbségét, illetve a migrációs életpályák egy-egy szakaszát jellemzik. A vizsgált migrációs folyamatokban az etnicitás strukturális tényezőként és a migráns tapasztalatok értelmezési kereteként egyaránt perdöntő szerepet játszik. Az etnikai migráció szakirodalomban tárgyalt mindhárom magyarázó modellje – az anyaországba való hazatérés, a gazdasági okokból való, illetve a kisebbségi létben elszenvedett sérelmek által ösztönzött migráció – alkalmas a migrációt kiváltó és mozgató okok elemzésére, a migráns narratívák értelmezésére, azt azonban nem állíthatjuk, hogy bármelyikük kizárólagos érvényre tehet szert. Más kutatókhoz hasonlóan Rogers Brubaker meghatározását tartjuk a leginkább gyümölcsözőnek, aki az etnikai migráció tág értelmezését használva minden olyan vándorlási folyamatot etnikai migrációnak tekint, amelyben az etnicitás kulturális és szimbolikus tőkeként szabályozó szerepet játszik. This special issue of Tér és Társadalom presents some results of an international research project carried out by researchers from Switzerland, Hungary and Serbia between 2010 and 2012. The topic of the research was “Integrating (Trans-)national Migrants in Transition States” (TRANSMIG) and was financed by the Swiss National Science Foundation (SNSF). The research aimed to explore and interpret migration flows from the Vojvodina (Serbia) to Hungary and from ex-Yugoslav republics to the Vojvodina. In the first period of the last twenty years, wars which contributed to the disintegration of Yugoslavia and the formation of new national states have caused migration flows. After the change of the millennium, educational migration of Vojvodina Hungarian youth can be considered the most important migratory movement from the Vojvodina to Hungary. Labour (economic) migration also occurs, but this cannot be understood as a one-way movement, since in the Hungarian–Serbian border zone migrants from the Vojvodina who already resettled to Hungary commute to the Vojvodina. While interpreting the qualitative research data the theoretical frameworks and approaches of transnational space, transnationalism and ethnic migration were taken into consideration. The migration movement in question occurs in a transnational social space where migrants are in constant motion. By their movements and actions that space is continually recreated. With Ludger Pries we see a transnational migrant as an ideal type to whom individual migratory movements and positions only approximate. Based on our empirical results we can conclude that real pluri-local, intensive and long-lasting bonding to two places at the same time and the relating practices only characterise a minority of migrants and certain sections of migratory careers. In the migration processes studied, ethnicity as a term is needed as a “structural factor” and frame of interpretation to approach migrant experiences. All three explanatory models for ethnic migration – return migration, economic migration, migration motivated by grievances suffered in a minority situation – are suitable to analyse the reasons that initiated migration and kept it in motion. They are helpful in interpreting migrant narratives. However, none of the reasons can claim exclusive validity. Agreeing with other researchers, we find Roger Brubaker’s definition the most useful: Ethnic migration should be comprehended in a broad sense. In addition, every migration can be considered as “ethnically” motivated where ethnicity plays a dominant role as a cultural and symbolic capital.