The EU and ASEAN – In Search of a New Regional Paradigm? EU Centre Singapore Working Paper No. 15, August 2013

The European Union (EU) has been hailed as the most successful model of regional integration thus far, while the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), despite its fair share of critics and doomsayers, has been seen as a relatively successful regional organisation in the developing world. However, both seemed to have arrived at a critical juncture in their respective regional projects. Challenged by recent events, internal and external, and faced with increasing uncertainties and complexities, the EU and ASEAN are forced to re-examine the journey they have taken so far and ponder the road ahead. This paper seeks first to provide an overview of the two parallel processes of regionalism in Europe and Southeast Asia by focusing on the developments of the EU and ASEAN, and dissecting both the external forces and internal dynamics that shape the respective regional processes. It then sketches out some of the global trends likely to impact regional developments in Europe and Asia, and questions if the EU and ASEAN would need a new regional approach or paradigm if they are to maintain their salience and relevance as regional actors.

Az integráció mérésének lehetőségei (Measuring the level of integration)

Az integrációt, mint folyamatot, valamint állapotot (integráltság), az integráció „intenzitását” az irodalomban nagyszámú mutatóval mérik. A mérési kísérletek a globális és regionális integrációk feltérképezésére és elemzésére egyaránt kiterjednek. A mérés kérdésének különös jelentősége van a gazdaságpolitikai kihívások és a hatékony válaszok kidolgozása szempontjából. / === / Many methods exist in the literature to measure the level and intensity of integration both as a process and as a state. These measurement exercises can be used to assess both global and regional integration. The most important goal of measurement is to provide inputs for effective policy making. The paper provides a review on the various approaches used in the context of the European Union.

The Central European initiative : an approach to regional stabilization and democratic consolidation

This thesis examines how multilateral institutions can contribute to democratization and regional stability. It is a case study of the Central European Initiative (CEI), a regional intergovernmental organization founded by Italy and Austria in 1989 to undertake a regional integration process, and of its role in stabilizing post-communist democracies. Documents were collected at the CEI offices in Trieste, Italy, and interviews conducted with CEI officers, and data obtained from the websites of related organizations and of CEI member countries. The thesis probes the relevance of concepts derived from theories of international regimes and social constructivism. It shows that the CEI diffuses norms and institutional rules conducive to consolidating democracies, including the development of a free civil society, a relatively autonomous political society, rule of law, state bureaucracies that are usable by the new democratic governments, and functioning free market economies, addition, and fosters habits of dialogue, socializes participants, and supports the creation of supra-national identities.

Measuring the Diversity and the Integration of Film Production in Mercosur: A Social Network Analysis

Based on an original and comprehensive database of all feature fiction films produced in Mercosur between 2004 and 2012, the paper analyses whether the Mercosur film industry has evolved towards an integrated and culturally more diverse market. It provides a summary of policy opportunities in terms of integration and diversity, emphasizing the limiter role played by regional policies. It then shows that although the Mercosur film industry remains rather disintegrated, it tends to become more integrated and culturally more diverse. From a methodological point of view, the combination of Social Network Analysis and the Stirling Model opens up interesting research tracks to analyse creative industries in terms of their market integration and their cultural diversity.

Brazilian foreign policy: Old and new paths as regards institutional aspects, multilateralism and foreign policy towards the South

This paper emphasizes the important changes in Brazilian foreign policy after Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva took tip the power in 2002. The paper defends the idea that it is not possible to argue that there were deep changes in comparison to Cardoso's administration. However, evidence shows that new things are happening as regards the design of a more active and clear foreign action line which led to institutional changes and to more incisive multilateral paths. This results both from the political profile of the direct operators of foreign policy and the aims of lite presidential diplomacy, The hypothesis dealt with on this paper consists on the fact that Lula's administration has not fully broken with the old administration practices, however the aims of global and regional integration are being plotted more clearly and with a higher degree of activism. This becomes clear in three aspects of the Brazilian foreign policy: the institutional framework, the practice of multilateralism and the foreign policy towards the South, the three topics analyzed in this paper.

CHARACTERIZATION OF AGROINDUSTRIAL SYSTEMS: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF THE SUCRO-ENERGETIC SECTORS OF BRASIL AND COLOMBIA

Concern about the growing demand of food and fuel has focused the attention on countries with conditions to provide for global requirements. Also, the build-up of an environmental awareness has compelled several governments to implement programs for the addition of biofuels to oil derivatives. Considering their relevance as world and South American producers, this study makes a characterization of the sucro-energetic sectors of Brazil and Colombia, based on a view of agro-industrial systems, industrial organization and transaction cost economy. The approach followed considered of a secondary information survey and in-depth interviews. The main differences found are centered on institutional development level and production volumes. However, the use of the same raw material, sugarcane, trade opening policies, cultural approaches and regional integration, are factors that could generate links of commercial exchange and technological cooperation between the two countries.

Heterodox Autonomy Doctrine: realism and purposes, and its relevance

The Autonomy Doctrine, elaborated by Juan Carlos Puig, is a realist point of view of International Relations. It is an analysis, from the periphery, about the structure of world power, and a roadmap (from a theoretical point of view) for the longing process of autonomization-regarding hegemonic power-for a country whose ruling class would decide to overcome dependency. The elements its author took into account when analyzing its own context are explained in this text and, afterwards, are reflected over its relevance nowadays. For that purpose, it is necessary to answer certain questions, such as which are the concepts and categories that may explain its relevance, its applicability to regional integration and cooperation models and projects, and what would be the analytical method to compare reality versus ideas, among others. The methodological proposal to analyze the relevance of Puig's doctrine is to compare it to different visions of regionalism that are currently in effect in Latin America.

O impacto do quadro institucional da SADC no seu processo de integração económica

Presentemente, a Comunidade para o Desenvolvimento da África Austral (SADC) apresenta-se como uma das mais desenvolvidas tentativas de integração do continente africano. Esta organização passou a revestir-se, em 1992, de um caráter permanente, tornando-se produto de um esforço de institucionalização que se tem vindo a materializar no estabelecimento de metas e estágios para um ambicioso projeto de integração económica. As suas instituições, frequentemente percecionadas como sendo regidas por uma lógica intergovernamental, serão a unidade focal desta análise. Esta tem como principal objetivo a verificação do seu impacto no processo de integração económica desta organização, particularmente o estabelecimento de uma relação de causalidade entre a estrutura institucional e o atual estado da vertente económica do processo integrativo. Procura-se assim inferir se o quadro institucional da organização é capaz de gerar uma dinâmica autónoma em prol da integração ou se sucumbe perante o voluntarismo estatal dos seus membros. A conclusão a que se chegará, como se pretende advogar, não implica dimensões mutuamente exclusivas, podendo traduzir-se numa conceção híbrida acerca do papel institucional no curso evolutivo da SADC, porventura mais fiel à complexidade deste bloco regional. A hipótese explicativa para o atual estado integrativo (económico) da SADC que se testará nesta análise será a de que a relativa fragilidade institucional desta organização - caso tal se verifique - não a impede de se desenvolver num curto a médio-prazo e, pelo contrário, constitui um dos incentivos à participação dos Estados Membros. Argumentar-se-á adicionalmente que os interesses integrativos dos Estados que a compõem não derivam de um qualquer espírito pós ou antinacional, mas antes de um condicionamento histórico favorável à cooperação intra-africana e de um cálculo de interesses que redunda na aceção de que a ação concertada entre Estados lhes confere vantagens estratégicas. Por isso mesmo, os modelos teóricos que substanciarão a análise, ainda que recorram por vezes aos moldes seminais derivados do estudo da experiência integrativa europeia, abarcarão também um conjunto de escolhas plásticas e maleáveis à realidade regional. Dentro do leque de estudos disponíveis, primar-se-á igualmente pela flexibilidade e abrangência. A difícil conciliação entre profundidade e abrangência redundará numa escolha de relevantes e úteis correntes teóricas, na qual se destacam o institucionalismo histórico e o institucionalismo da escolha racional, bem como o intergovernamentalismo liberal, o neofuncionalismo e a teoria do dominó aplicada aos blocos regionais.

Brazil's global aspirations and their implications for the relationship with Argentina in the framework of MERCOSUR

Dissertação de mestrado em Relações Internacionais

The de facto independence of regulatory agencies and its consequences for policy making and regulatory outcomes

This dissertation focuses on the practice of regulatory governance, throughout the study of the functioning of formally independent regulatory agencies (IRAs), with special attention to their de facto independence. The research goals are grounded on a "neo-positivist" (or "reconstructed positivist") position (Hawkesworth 1992; Radaelli 2000b; Sabatier 2000). This perspective starts from the ontological assumption that even if subjective perceptions are constitutive elements of political phenomena, a real world exists beyond any social construction and can, however imperfectly, become the object of scientific inquiry. Epistemologically, it follows that hypothetical-deductive theories with explanatory aims can be tested by employing a proper methodology and set of analytical techniques. It is thus possible to make scientific inferences and general conclusions to a certain extent, according to a Bayesian conception of knowledge, in order to update the prior scientific beliefs in the truth of the related hypotheses (Howson 1998), while acknowledging the fact that the conditions of truth are at least partially subjective and historically determined (Foucault 1988; Kuhn 1970). At the same time, a sceptical position is adopted towards the supposed disjunction between facts and values and the possibility of discovering abstract universal laws in social science. It has been observed that the current version of capitalism corresponds to the golden age of regulation, and that since the 1980s no government activity in OECD countries has grown faster than regulatory functions (Jacobs 1999). Following an apparent paradox, the ongoing dynamics of liberalisation, privatisation, decartelisation, internationalisation, and regional integration hardly led to the crumbling of the state, but instead promoted a wave of regulatory growth in the face of new risks and new opportunities (Vogel 1996). Accordingly, a new order of regulatory capitalism is rising, implying a new division of labour between state and society and entailing the expansion and intensification of regulation (Levi-Faur 2005). The previous order, relying on public ownership and public intervention and/or on sectoral self-regulation by private actors, is being replaced by a more formalised, expert-based, open, and independently regulated model of governance. Independent regulation agencies (IRAs), that is, formally independent administrative agencies with regulatory powers that benefit from public authority delegated from political decision makers, represent the main institutional feature of regulatory governance (Gilardi 2008). IRAs constitute a relatively new technology of regulation in western Europe, at least for certain domains, but they are increasingly widespread across countries and sectors. For instance, independent regulators have been set up for regulating very diverse issues, such as general competition, banking and finance, telecommunications, civil aviation, railway services, food safety, the pharmaceutical industry, electricity, environmental protection, and personal data privacy. Two attributes of IRAs deserve a special mention. On the one hand, they are formally separated from democratic institutions and elected politicians, thus raising normative and empirical concerns about their accountability and legitimacy. On the other hand, some hard questions about their role as political actors are still unaddressed, though, together with regulatory competencies, IRAs often accumulate executive, (quasi-)legislative, and adjudicatory functions, as well as about their performance.

O DEBATE CONTEMPORÂNEO SOBRE A NAÇÃO EM CABO VERDE: PERSPECTIVAS E PERPLEXIDADES

Este artigo procura compreender a integração regional do Arquipélago de Cabo Verde, na base do debate contemporâneo sobre a Nação. Resultado de cruzamento e convergência entre povos e culturas oriundos de dois espaços geográficos (África e Europa), a Nação cabo-verdiana afirma-se e consolida-se na margem dos debates perspetivados e delineados por diferentes gerações de intelectuais, políticos e académicos nacionais e estrangeiros. Estes procuram compreender e analisar a integração de Cabo Verde na Comunidade Económica dos Estados da África Ocidental (CEDEAO), a aproximação às Regiões Ultraperiféricas (RUP) e a Parceria Especial com a União Europeia (UE). A análise expressa no presente artigo, além de distinguir a posição geográfica privilegiada do arquipélago, enfatiza também aspetos de ordem cultural, política, económica, comercial e de segurança, relevantes para a construção da Nação em Cabo Verde.

CABO VERDE: DE UM “ESTADO INVIÁVEL” AO PRAGMATISMO NA POLÍTICA EXTERNA

O artigo procura compreender de forma sincrónica as linhas fundamentais da política externa de Cabo Verde e seus reflexos nas relações internacionais, abarcando o período, desde a independência à actualidade. A perspectiva central é a de que a independência em 1975 representou uma nova era para o Estado de Cabo Verde, embora se tenha propalado a ideia de um Estado inviável. A estratégia para ultrapassar esta situação passava por uma aposta activa nas relações internacionais, nomeadamente numa política externa pragmática que se ajustasse num quadro de concertação e interacção com outros Estados. Procuramos, através de uma abordagem interdisciplinar e interpretativa, analisar os fenómenos sociais-internacionais que se configuram na política externa cabo-verdiana, sabendo que estes se relacionam tanto no campo da história e da sociologia como no campo da ciência política e das relações internacionais. Propõe-se novos desafios para a política externa cabo-verdiana, numa conjuntura internacional abalada pela crise financeira, uma aposta para uma maior integração regional no continente africano, aproveitando de forma estratégica o continente como nova fronteira de desenvolvimento.

Mercosul: o dilema entre união aduaneira e área de livre-comércio

Mercosur: the dilemma between the customs union and a free trade area. In 2001, the government of Argentina - facing a major economic crisis - took a rather controversial decision and reduced the tariff rates of all capital goods to zero. This became a main source of conflict with Brazil, the only country of Mercosur that produces such goods. This paper discusses two possible scenarios for the resolution of this issue. In the first one, the countries would opt for the maintenance of the customs union. The authors present some suggestions for the rebuilding of the Common External Tariff (CET), by which the countries would take a middle course acceptable to all. The other possible outcome would be a step back in the direction of a free trade area, with no CET at all.

A América do Sul em movimento

South America in movement. This paper discusses the prospects for the integration of South America, stressing that there are two competing projects. One the one hand, we have the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), as proposed by Washington, or bilateral free trade agreements with the United States in the FTAA format. On the other hand, we have Mercosur, recently expanded by the accession of Venezuela. Washington's still very significant but declining influence in South America, relations between Argentina and Brazil, Venezuela's entry into Mercosur, and the role of smaller countries are successively examined.

Cooperação monetária e financeira: o que é bom para a Ásia também é para a América Latina?

Monetary and financial cooperation: what is good to Asian is also good to Latin America?. This article compares the Asian and Latin American experiences with monetary cooperation. It is argued that in the latter such cooperation has hardly progressed, due to low degree of regional integration, the recurrent use of multilateral institutional resources to deal with external shocks and the lack of clear objectives: monetary cooperation is some times seen as a means to foster integration, but also as a means to provide long term funds and as a source of liquidity in foreign currencies. In Asia, differently, cooperation has apparently not been so instrumental to regional integration, but has proven to be quite important as a means to build a regional capital market as well as a mechanism to deal with external shocks.