Democracy on the edge: limits and possibilities for the implementation of an urban reform agenda in Brazil

In Brazil the 1990s constituted years of institutional achievements in the fields of housing and urban rights, given the incorporation of the principles of the social function of cities and property, the recognition of tenure rights for slum dwellers and the direct participation of citizens in the decision making process of urban policies, within the 1988 Constitution. These proposals have become the pillars of the Urban Reform agenda which has penetrated the federal government apparatus since the creation of the Ministry of Cities under Lula's administration. The article evaluates the limits and possibilities for the implementation of this agenda through the analysis of two policies proposed by the Ministry: the National Council of Cities and the campaign for Participatory Master Plans. The approach is based on the organization of the Brazilian State in terms of urban development, the relationship with the political system and the characteristics of Brazilian democracy.

Democracy on the Edge: Limits and Possibilities in the Implementation of an Urban Reform Agenda in Brazil

The 1990s in Brazil were a time of institutional advances in the areas of housing and urban rights following the signing of the new constitution in 1988 that incorporated the principles of the social function of cities and property, recognition of the right to ownership of informal urban squatters and the direct participation of citizens in urban policy decision processes. These propositions are the pillars of the urban reform agenda which, since the creation of the Ministry of Cities by the Lula government, has come under the federal executive branch. This article evaluates the limitations and opportunities involved in implementing this agenda on the basis of two policies proposed by the ministry - the National Cities Council and the campaign for Participatory Master Plans - focusing the analysis on government organization in the area of urban development in its relationship with the political system and the characteristics of Brazilian democracy. Resume Au Bresil, les annees 1990 ont ete marquees par des progres institutionnels en matiere de logement et de droits urbains, dans le sillage de la Constitution de 1988 qui integre les principes d`une fonction sociale de la ville et de la propriete urbaine, ainsi que la reconnaissance du droit a la propriete pour les squatters urbains et la participation directe des citoyens aux processus d`elaboration des politiques urbaines. Ce sont egalement les piliers du programme de reforme urbaine qui releve de l`executif federal depuis la creation d`un ministere des Villes par le gouvernement Lula. Pour evaluer les limites et potentiels lies a la mise en place de ce programme, cet article s`appuie sur deux politiques publiques proposees par le ministere, le Conseil national des villes et la campagne en faveur des Plans directeurs participatifs, en analysant plus particulierement l`organisation gouvernementale en matiere d`urbanisme par rapport au systeme politique et aux caracteristiques de la democratie bresilienne.

Promoting an agenda for nuclear weapons elimination: The Canberra Commission and dilemmas of disarmament

This paper examines the role of the Canberra Commission in terms of consolidating and influencing the agenda on international negotiations towards the elimination of nuclear weapons. The Commission's Report is significant for two main reasons. First, it represents a unique form of disarmament diplomacy by the Australian Government which combined the post-Cold War international climate of security cooperation with the foreign policy aspirations of an activist middle power. Second, the Report refutes the strategic, technological and political arguments against nuclear elimination in a comprehensive and convincing manner, arguing that without elimination, the world faces increased threats of nuclear proliferation and nuclear terrorism. This paper thus concludes that the Canberra Commission has been instrumental in strengthening the taboo against the possession, testing or use of nuclear weapons.

Organizing resistance movements: contribution of the political discourse theory

The main purpose of this paper is to explore the possibility of articulating Political Discourse Theory (PDT) together with Organizational Studies (OS), while using the opportunity to introduce PDT to those OS scholars who have not yet come across it. The bulk of this paper introduces the main concepts of PDT, discussing how they have been applied to concrete, empirical studies of resistance movements. In recent years, PDT has been increasingly appropriated by OS scholars to problematize and analyze resistances and other forms of social antagonisms within organizational settings, taking the relational and contingent aspects of struggles into consideration. While the paper supports the idea of a joint articulation of PDT and OS, it raises a number of critical questions of how PDT concepts have been empirically used to explain the organization of resistance movements. The paper sets out a research agenda for how both PDT and OS can together contribute to our understanding of new, emerging organizational forms of resistance movements.

O espaço ‘Opinião’ do jornal Público: perfil e agenda dos comentadores no início de 2014

Relatório de estágio apresentado à Escola Superior de Comunicação Social como parte dos requisitos para obtenção de grau de mestre em Jornalismo.

An agenda-setting model of electoral competition

This paper presents a model of electoral competition focusing on the formation of thepublic agenda. An incumbent government and a challenger party in opposition competein elections by choosing the issues that will key out their campaigns. Giving salience toan issue implies proposing an innovative policy proposal, alternative to the status-quo.Parties trade off the issues with high salience in voters concerns and those with broadagreement on some alternative policy proposal. Each party expects a higher probabilityof victory if the issue it chooses becomes salient in the voters decision. But remarkably,the issues which are considered the most important ones by a majority of votes may notbe given salience during the electoral campaign. An incumbent government may survivein spite of its bad policy performance if there is no sufficiently broad agreement on apolicy alternative. We illustrate the analytical potential of the model with the case of theUnited States presidential election in 2004.

Small Cities, Neoliberal Governance and Sustainable Development in the Global South : A Conceptual Framework and Research Agenda

Development and environmental issues of small cities in developing countries have largely been overlooked although these settlements are of global demographic importance and often face a "triple challenge"; that is, they have limited financial and human resources to address growing environmental problems that are related to both development (e.g., pollution) and under-development (e.g., inadequate water supply). Neoliberal policy has arguably aggravated this challenge as public investments in infrastructure generally declined while the focus shifted to the metropolitan "economic growth machines". This paper develops a conceptual framework and agenda for the study of small cities in the global south, their environmental dynamics, governance and politics in the current neoliberal context. While small cities are governed in a neoliberal policy context, they are not central to neoliberalism, and their (environmental) governance therefore seems to differ from that of global cities. Furthermore, "actually existing" neoliberal governance of small cities is shaped by the interplay of regional and local politics and environmental situations. The approach of urban political ecology and the concept of rural-urban linkages are used to consider these socio-ecological processes. The conceptual framework and research agenda are illustrated in the case of India, where the agency of small cities in regard to environmental governance seems to remain limited despite formal political decentralization.

O social no governo Lula: a construção de um novo populismo em tempos de aplicação de uma agenda neoliberal

The purpose of this paper is to discuss the main characteristics of new Lula's government support. The paper's hypothesis concentrates in the idea of starting a different political approach, "a new populism". The paper argues that Lula's government to keep in power, beyond of going on with the neoliberal project - unfinished in the last years of FHC government -, needs to build up a solid and trustful political support, which is being done by implementing income transfer programs directed to poor people and the ones with less organization experience. This paper also calls the attention to Lula's government nature, in order to clarify the difficulties which should be dealt and the tasks to be developed in building up a political party that defends workers emancipation and Brazilians exploited.

Determinantes da recuperação do emprego formal no Brasil: evidências para o período 2001/2005 e hipoteses para uma agenda de pesquisa

Decisive factors affecting the recent increase in formal employment in Brazil. This paper gives a general overview of the evolution of labour market indicators between 1995 and 2005 in Brazil. It shows an overall increase in formal employment rates from 2001 to 2005, as opposite to what had happened from 1995 to 1999. It is argued that such recent trends might indicate the reconfiguration of the labour market in better terms, with potential positive consequences to the finance performance of the Social Security sector. The paper also examines some of the major factors associated with this new trend and their chances to maintain such tendency in the near future. It's important to notice that all of them may be subject to some kind of political management by the State. In other words, we suggest that there are suficient instruments and operative skills in the Brazilian State to make these and others factors work in favour of a more persistent strategy of development with social inclusion through labour.

Quinze anos de rigidez monetária no Brasil pós-Plano Real: uma agenda de pesquisa

Fifteen years of monetary rigidity in Brazil after the Real Plan: a research agenda.The paper makes a review of literature and a research agenda on the anomaly of Brazilian monetary policy. Following a retrospect of the first 15 years after the Real Plan, there is a review of studies aiming to explain the high real interest rate. None of the summarized theses can completely explain the phenomenon. The main research opportunities are: deepening of empirical evidence of monetary policy efficacy loss; improvement in mensuration of its inefficacy; and improvement of alternative instruments to control inflation. The field of political economy is also fertile. One should assess the relevance of oligopolies as an explaining factor of persistence of high inflation.

Pursuing a Developmental State Trade Agenda in a Neo-Liberal Context

This book explains why it was possible for the Worker’s Party (PT) in Brazil and the African National Congress (ANC) in South Africa to pursue a developmental state trade policy, in spite of neoliberal constraints. The major theoretical lenses are three-fold. It applies state theory (macrolevel), policy network analysis (meso-level) and theories on political parties with emphasis on factional politics (micro-level). This book highlights the socio-political relevance of comparatively progressive policy frameworks and expands the debate on how to re-gain national policy space for progressive reform policies even under neoliberal constraints.

El paradigma del Desarrollo Urbano Sostenible -DUS- como referente del proceso de toma de decisiones legislativas en Colombia. Análisis de la agenda legislativa del Congreso de la República entre 1991 y 2006

Este trabajo contribuye al análisis de la incidencia del paradigma del Desarrollo Urbano Sostenible en el proceso de toma de decisiones legislativas en Colombia, concentrándose en la discusión y definición de la agenda legislativa sobre asuntos urbanos, durante el periodo 1991-2006.

Implicaciones, en materia de derechos humanos, del proceso de securitización de la agenda bilateral México-Guatemala frente a la migración centroamericana de tránsito irregular por México (2008-2010)

Esta monografía se concentra en establecer las implicaciones que ha generado la securitización de la migración irregular, en el marco de la agenda bilateral México-Guatemala, frente a los derechos humanos de los migrantes centroamericanos que buscan el paso, en condiciones de irregularidad , hacia México con destino a Estados Unidos . Lo anterior, tomando como periodo de análisis el comprendido entre 2008 (año en que México y Guatemala se comprometen aún más en la securitización fronteriza) y 2010 (momento en que se evidencian grandes vulneraciones a los derechos humanos de los migrantes). Para ello, en este trabajo de grado se hace uso de la Teoría de la securitización desarrollada por la Escuela de Copenhague a partir de una perspectiva constructivista, que a su vez se inscribe dentro del Paradigma Reflectivista de la disciplina de las Relaciones Internacionales. Al respecto es preciso aclarar que se toman como referencia especialmente algunos aportes de Ole Waever, relativos a los impactos de la securitización excesiva, que consiste en la tendencia de los gobiernos a elevar todos los problemas (sociales, políticos, económicos, entre otros) al nivel de seguridad; razón por la que dicho autor advierte sobre la necesidad de desecuritización de ciertos asuntos que, como la migración, no necesariamente habrían de ser elevados a dicho nivel.

Inscripción del terrorismo en la agenda gubernamental estadounidense después de los ataques del 11 de septiembre de 2001

Este trabajo se enmarcará en la primera presidencia de George W. Bush y más específicamente entre el 11 de septiembre de 2001 cuando se dio el ataque a las torres gemelas y la invasión a Afganistán el 7 de octubre de este mismo año. En consecuencia lo que se busca con este estudio es demostrar que el gobierno estadounidense se ayuda de herramientas y elementos como la comunicación política, la fijación de agenda y el discurso para la inscripción del concepto terrorismo en la agenda gubernamental. Es así como genera un gran poder de influencia a nivel local logrando que los ciudadanos se tornen hacia el Estado y al mismo tiempo logra apoyo internacional generando el clima perfecto para legitimar la guerra anti-terrorista como una respuesta a los hechos ocurridos.