Law Enforcement Careers with Motor Vehicle Enforcement, October 17, 2008

A motor vehicle officer is peace officer whose primary duty it is to enforce all state and federal regulation that apply to commercial vehicles travels Iowa's roadways.

Iowa Law Enforcement Academy Performance Report, FY2014

Annual Report Created by Academy Director E.A. (Penny) Westfall

Governor's Office of Drug Control Policy Five-Year Strategic Plan July 1, 2010-June 30, 2015

The Office of the Drug Policy Coordinator is established in Chapter 80E of the Code of Iowa. The Coordinator directs the Governor’s Office of Drug Control Policy; coordinates and monitors all statewide counter-drug efforts, substance abuse treatment grants and programs, and substance abuse prevention and education programs; and engages in other related activities involving the Departments of public safety, corrections, education, public health, and human services. The coordinator assists in the development of local and community strategies to fight substance abuse, including local law enforcement, education, and treatment activities. The Drug Policy Coordinator serves as chairperson to the Drug Policy Advisory Council. The council includes the directors of the departments of corrections, education, public health, public safety, human services, division of criminal and juvenile justice planning, and human rights. The Council also consists of a prosecuting attorney, substance abuse treatment specialist, substance abuse prevention specialist, substance abuse treatment program director, judge, and one representative each from the Iowa Association of Chiefs of Police and Peace Officers, the Iowa State Police Association, and the Iowa State Sheriff’s and Deputies’ Association. Council members are appointed by the Governor and confirmed by the Senate. The council makes policy recommendations related to substance abuse education, prevention, and treatment, and drug enforcement. The Council and the Coordinator oversee the development and implementation of a comprehensive State of Iowa Drug Control Strategy. The Office of Drug Control Policy administers federal grant programs to improve the criminal justice system by supporting drug enforcement, substance abuse prevention and offender treatment programs across the state. The ODCP prepares and submits the Iowa Drug and Violent Crime Control Strategy to the U.S. Department of Justice, with recommendations from the Drug Policy Advisory Council. The ODCP also provides program and fiscal technical assistance to state and local agencies, as well as program evaluation and grants management.

Metric Training for the Transportation Industry Module V - Motor Vehicle Licensing and Enforcement, HR-376

"Metric Training For The Highway Industry", HR-376 was designed to produce training materials for the various divisions of the Iowa DOT, local government and the highway construction industry. The project materials were to be used to introduce the highway industry in Iowa to metric measurements in their daily activities. Five modules were developed and used in training over 1,000 DOT, county, city, consultant and contractor staff in the use of metric measurements. The training modules developed deal with the planning through operation areas of highway transportation. The materials and selection of modules were developed with the aid of an advisory personnel from the highway industry. Each module is design as a four hour block of instruction and a stand along module for specific types of personnel. Each module is subdivided into four chapters with chapter one and four covering general topics common to all subjects. Chapters two and three are aimed at hands on experience for a specific group and subject. This module includes: Module 5 - Motor Vehicle Enforcement. Examples from Iowa and Federal Motor Vehicle Codes are used as examples for hands on training for the vehicle enforcement type personnel using this module.

Iowa Law Enforcement Academy Annual Report FY2012

Iowa Law Enforcement Academy provided 383 training opportunities for law enforcement, jailers, and telecommunicators for a total of 3584 individuals receiving training. The Academy remains committed to bringing cutting edge programming to law enforcement, jailers, and telecommunicators across Iowa, as evidenced by partnerships with the Federal Law Enforcement Training Center, the International Association of Chiefs of Police, the Secret Service, the Midwest Counterdrug Training Center, Northwestern University’s Center for Public Safety, and many others. The Academy is looking forward to growing its presence within the law enforcement community as the “go to” resource by also serving as a bulletin board for training around the state.

Iowa Law Enforcement Academy Annual Report FY2013

Iowa Law Enforcement Academy provided 383 training opportunities for law enforcement, jailers, and telecommunicators for a total of 3584 individuals receiving training. The Academy remains committed to bringing cutting edge programming to law enforcement, jailers, and telecommunicators across Iowa, as evidenced by partnerships with the Federal Law Enforcement Training Center, the International Association of Chiefs of Police, the Secret Service, the Midwest Counterdrug Training Center, Northwestern University’s Center for Public Safety, and many others. The Academy is looking forward to growing its presence within the law enforcement community as the “go to” resource by also serving as a bulletin board for training around the state.

Iowa Law Enforcement Academy Annual Report FY2014

Iowa Law Enforcement Academy provided 383 training opportunities for law enforcement, jailers, and telecommunicators for a total of 3584 individuals receiving training. The Academy remains committed to bringing cutting edge programming to law enforcement, jailers, and telecommunicators across Iowa, as evidenced by partnerships with the Federal Law Enforcement Training Center, the International Association of Chiefs of Police, the Secret Service, the Midwest Counterdrug Training Center, Northwestern University’s Center for Public Safety, and many others. The Academy is looking forward to growing its presence within the law enforcement community as the “go to” resource by also serving as a bulletin board for training around the state.

Governor's Office of Drug Control Policy Five-Year Strategic Plan, July 1, 2013-June 30, 2018

The Office of the Drug Policy Coordinator is established in Chapter 80E of the Code of Iowa. The Coordinator directs the Governor’s Office of Drug Control Policy; coordinates and monitors all statewide counter-drug efforts, substance abuse treatment grants and programs, and substance abuse prevention and education programs; and engages in other related activities involving the Departments of public safety, corrections, education, public health, and human services. The coordinator assists in the development of local and community strategies to fight substance abuse, including local law enforcement, education, and treatment activities. The Drug Policy Coordinator serves as chairperson to the Drug Policy Advisory Council. The council includes the directors of the departments of corrections, education, public health, public safety, human services, division of criminal and juvenile justice planning, and human rights. The Council also consists of a prosecuting attorney, substance abuse treatment specialist, substance abuse prevention specialist, substance abuse treatment program director, judge, and one representative each from the Iowa Association of Chiefs of Police and Peace Officers, the Iowa State Police Association, and the Iowa State Sheriff’s and Deputies’ Association. Council members are appointed by the Governor and confirmed by the Senate. The council makes policy recommendations related to substance abuse education, prevention, and treatment, and drug enforcement. The Council and the Coordinator oversee the development and implementation of a comprehensive State of Iowa Drug Control Strategy. The Office of Drug Control Policy administers federal grant programs to improve the criminal justice system by supporting drug enforcement, substance abuse prevention and offender treatment programs across the state. The ODCP prepares and submits the Iowa Drug and Violent Crime Control Strategy to the U.S. Department of Justice, with recommendations from the Drug Policy Advisory Council. The ODCP also provides program and fiscal technical assistance to state and local agencies, as well as program evaluation and grants management.

Iowa Law Enforcement Academy Performance Plan, FY2015

Iowa Law Enforcement Academy Performance Plan

Injury pattern of the Flash-Ball, a less-lethal weapon used for law enforcement: report of two cases and review of the literature.

Less-lethal weapons are used in law enforcement to neutralize combative individuals and to disperse riot crowds. Local police recently used such an impact weapon, the Flash-Ball, in two different situations. This gun fires large rubber bullets with kinetic energies around 200 J. Although it is designed to avoid skin penetration, impacts at such energies may still create major trauma with associated severe injuries to internal organs. This is a report of 2 patients shot with the Flash-Ball who required medical attention. One could be discharged quickly, but the other required hospitalization for heart and lung contusion. Both patients required advanced investigations including computed tomography (CT) scan. The medical literature on injuries induced by less-lethal impact weapons is reviewed. Impacts from the Flash-Ball can cause significant injury to internal organs, even without penetration. Investigations as for other high-energy blunt traumas are called for in these cases.

Understanding the Racial Nature of Police and Immigrant Relations In Finland. The Case of Africans in Turku

The focus of this study is to examine the role of police and immigrants’ relations, as less is known about this process in the country. The studies were approached in two different ways. Firstly, an attempt was made to examine how immigrants view their encounters with the police. Secondly, the studies explored how aware the police are of immigrants’ experiences in their various encounters and interactions on the street level. An ancillary aim of the studies is to clarify, analyse and discuss how prejudice and stereotypes can be tackled, thereby contributing to the general debate about racism and discrimination for better ethnic relations in the country. The data in which this analysis was based is on a group of adults (n=88) from the total of 120 Africans questioned for the entire study (n=45) police cadets and (n=6) serving police officers from Turku. The present thesis is a compilation of five articles. A summary of each article findings follows, as the same data was used in all five studies. In the first study, a theoretical model was developed to examine the perceived knowledge of bias by immigrants resulting from race, culture and belief. This was also an attempt to explore whether this knowledge was predetermined in my attempt to classify and discuss as well as analyse the factors that may be influencing immigrants’ allegations of unfair treatment by the police in Turku. The main finding shows that in the first paper there was ignorance and naivety on the part of the police in their attitudes towards the African immigrant’s prior experiences with the police, and this may probably have resulted from stereotypes or their lack of experience as well as prior training with immigrants where these kinds of experience are rampant in the country (Egharevba, 2003 and 2004a). In exploring what leads to stereotypes, a working definition is the assumption that is prevalent among some segments of the population, including the police, that Finland is a homogenous country by employing certain conducts and behaviour towards ethnic and immigrant groups in the country. This to my understanding is stereotype. Historically this was true, but today the social topography of the country is changing and becoming even more complex. It is true that, on linguistic grounds, the country is multilingual, as there are a few recognised national minority languages (Swedish, Sami and Russian) as well as a number of immigrant languages including English. Apparently it is vital for the police to have a line of communication open when addressing the problem associated with immigrants in the country. The second paper moved a step further by examining African immigrants’ understanding of human rights as well as what human rights violation means or entails in their views as a result of their experiences with the police, both in Finland and in their country of origin. This approach became essential during the course of the study, especially when the participants were completing the questionnaire (N=88), where volunteers were solicited for a later date for an in-depth interview with the author. Many of the respondents came from countries where human rights are not well protected and seldom discussed publicly, therefore understanding their views on the subject can help to explain why some of the immigrants are sceptical about coming forward to report cases of batteries and assaults to the police, or even their experiences of being monitored in shopping malls in their new home and the reason behind their low level of trust in public authorities in Finland. The study showed that knowledge of human rights is notably low among some of the participants. The study also found that female respondents were less aware of human rights when compared with their male counterparts. This has resulted in some of the male participants focussing more on their traditional ways of thinking by not realising that they are in a new country where there is equality in sexes and lack of respect on gender terms is not condoned. The third paper focussed on the respondents’ experiences with the police in Turku and tried to explore police attitudes towards African immigrant clients, in addition to the role stereotype plays in police views of different cultures and how these views have impacted on immigrants’ views of discriminatory policing in Turku. The data is the same throughout the entire studies (n=88), except that some few participants were interviewed for the third paper thirty-five persons. The results showed that there is some bias in mass-media reports on the immigrants’ issues, due to selective portrayal of biases without much investigation being carried out before jumping to conclusions, especially when the issues at stake involve an immigrant (Egharevba, 2005a; Egharevba, 2004a and 2004b). In this vein, there was an allegation that the police are even biased while investigating cases of theft, especially if the stolen property is owned by an immigrant (Egharevba, 2006a, Egharevba, 2006b). One vital observation from the respondents’ various comments was that race has meaning in their encounters and interaction with the police in the country. This result led the author to conclude that the relation between the police and immigrants is still a challenge, as there is rampant fear and distrust towards the police by some segments of the participating respondents in the study. In the fourth paper the focus was on examining the respondents’ view of the police, with special emphasis on race and culture as well as the respondents’ perspective on police behaviour in Turku. This is because race, as it was relayed to me in the study, is a significant predictor of police perception (Egharevba, 2005a; Egharevba and Hannikianen, 2005). It is a known scientific fact that inter-group racial attitudes are the representation of group competition and perceived threat to power and status (Group-position theory). According to Blumer (1958) a sense of group threat is an essential element for the emergence of racial prejudice. Consequently, it was essential that we explored the existing relationship between the respondents and the police in order to have an understanding of this concept. The result indicates some local and international contextual issues and assumptions that were of importance tackling prejudice and discrimination as it exists within the police in the country. Moreover, we have to also remember that, for years, many of these African immigrants have been on the receiving end of unjust law enforcement in their various countries of origin, which has resulted in many of them feeling inferior and distrustful of the police even in their own country of origin. While discussing the issues of cultural difference and how it affects policing, we must also keep in mind the socio-cultural background of the participants, their level of language proficiency and educational background. The research data analysed in this study also confirmed the difficulties associated with cultural misunderstandings in interpreting issues and how these misunderstandings have affected police and immigrant relations in Finland. Finally, the fifth paper focussed on cadets’ attitudes towards African immigrants as well as serving police officers’ interaction with African clients. Secondly, the police level of awareness of African immigrants’ distrustfulness of their profession was unclear. For this reason, my questions in this fifth study examined the experiences and attitudes of police cadets and serving police officers as well as those of African immigrants in understanding how to improve this relationship in the country. The data was based on (n=88) immigrant participants, (n=45) police cadets and 6 serving police officers from the Turku police department. The result suggests that there is distrust of the police in the respondents’ interaction; this tends to have galvanised a heightened tension resulting from the lack of language proficiency (Egharevba and White, 2007; Egharevba and Hannikainen, 2005, and Egharevba, 2006b) The result also shows that the allegation of immigrants as being belittled by the police stems from the misconceptions of both parties as well as the notion of stop and search by the police in Turku. All these factors were observed to have contributed to the alleged police evasiveness and the lack of regular contact between the respondents and the police in their dealings. In other words, the police have only had job-related contact with many of the participants in the present study. The results also demonstrated the complexities caused by the low level of education among some of the African immigrants in their understanding about the Finnish culture, norms and values in the country. Thus, the framework constructed in these studies embodies diversity in national culture as well as the need for a further research study with a greater number of respondents (both from the police and immigrant/majority groups), in order to explore the different role cultures play in immigrant and majority citizens’ understanding of police work.

Environnement dissuasif, risques et stratégies délinquantes

L‟utilité de la théorie de la dissuasion est régulièrement remise en question pour expliquer la relation entre les peines et la criminalité puisque les propriétés objectives de la peine ne semblent pas affecter les taux de criminalité, les perceptions que s‟en font les individus et la récidive des délinquants. Trois limites conceptuelles des auteurs qui remettent en question la dissuasion sont soulevées. Premièrement, les unités spatiales utilisées sont des territoires sur lesquels plusieurs corps policiers sont en fonction. Il y a donc peu de chances que tous les citoyens présents soient exposés au même message pénal. Deuxièmement, les chercheurs ont mesuré le risque objectif d‟être arrêté à l‟aide d‟un ratio entre le nombre d‟arrestations et le nombre de crimes rapportés. Cette conceptualisation est problématique puisque les résultats d‟autres études suggèrent que les citoyens ont peu de connaissances des propriétés objectives et qu‟il serait, ainsi, intéressant de se référer aux stimuli dissuasifs pour conceptualiser la notion de risques. Troisièmement, pour plusieurs chercheurs, la délinquance est considérée comme une activité pour laquelle les délits impunis découlent du hasard. Pourtant, les délinquants utilisent fréquemment des stratégies pour éviter les autorités policières. Ils sont donc proactifs dans leur impunité. De ces limites découlent quatre propositions : 1) afin de détecter les réels effets des propriétés de la peine sur la criminalité, les territoires utilisés dans les études doivent représenter des juridictions sur lesquelles un seul corps policier opère; 2) afin de détecter les réels effets des propriétés de la peine sur la criminalité, les études doivent être effectuées avec des données provenant d‟une juridiction dans laquelle les activités de répression sont augmentées significativement par rapport à leur seuil antérieur et maintenue sur une période de temps suffisamment longue; 3) les stimuli dissuasifs observés doivent être considérés comme des expériences vicariantes ; 4) l‟impunité doit être définie comme étant une expérience recherchée par les délinquants. Deux études ont été réalisées dans le cadre de cette thèse. D‟abord, une étude a été réalisée à l‟aide de données issues des rapports policiers de collisions et des constats d‟infraction rendus. Les résultats montrent que l‟augmentation de la répression policière ii sur le territoire du Service de Police de la Ville de Montréal a fait diminuer le nombre de collisions. Au même moment, les collisions sont demeurées stables sur le territoire desservis par le Service de police de la Ville de Québec. Dans un deuxième temps, une étude perceptuelle a été réalisée avec un échantillon d‟étudiants universitaires. Les résultats démontrent des effets mitigés des stimuli dissuasifs sur les perceptions que se font les individus de leurs risques d‟être arrêté et sur leurs comportements délinquants. Chez les moins délinquants, les stimuli dissuasifs font augmenter la perception que les délinquants se font de leurs risques. Par contre, les plus motivés à commettre des délits de la route développent des stratégies en réaction aux opérations policières plutôt que d‟en craindre les représailles. Ces tactiques d‟évitement n‟assurent pas une impunité totale, ni une perception moins élevée des risques de recevoir une contravention, mais elles retardent le moment où le délinquant sera confronté à la punition.

Study of baleen whales’ ecology and interaction with maritime traffic activities to support management of a complex socio-ecological system

Thesis written in co-mentorship with Robert Michaud.

New Standards of Justice: Uncovering Motivations for Mexico’s Recent Judicial Reforms amid a Security Crisis

From the introduction: Mexico is in a state of siege. In recent years, organized crime and drug-related violence have escalated dramatically, taking innocent lives and leaving the country mired in bloodshed. The Mexican government, under the leadership of President Felipe Calderón, has responded in part by significantly extending the reach of its security operations, deploying thousands of federal police officers and military troops to combat the activities of drug cartels, and collaborating with the United States on an extensive regional security plan known as the Mérida Initiative. In the midst of the security crisis, however, the government has somewhat paradoxically adopted judicial reforms that protect human rights and civil liberties rather than erode them, specifically the presumption of innocence standard in criminal proceedings and the implementation of oral trials. Assuming that the new laws on the books will be applied in practice, these reforms represent an important commitment on the part of the government to uphold human rights and civil liberties. This is in stark contrast to the infamous judicial reforms in Colombia—the institutionalization of anonymous or “faceless” prosecutions in special courts—implemented after a surge in leftist and cartel brutality, and the murders of several prominent public and judicial officials in the 1980s.

The automatic identification and prioritisation of criminal networks from police crime data

The identification of criminal networks is not a routine exploratory process within the current practice of the law enforcement authorities; rather it is triggered by specific evidence of criminal activity being investigated. A network is identified when a criminal comes to notice and any associates who could also be potentially implicated would need to be identified if only to be eliminated from the enquiries as suspects or witnesses as well as to prevent and/or detect crime. However, an identified network may not be the one causing most harm in a given area.. This paper identifies a methodology to identify all of the criminal networks that are present within a Law Enforcement Area, and, prioritises those that are causing most harm to the community. Each crime is allocated a score based on its crime type and how recently the crime was committed; the network score, which can be used as decision support to help prioritise it for law enforcement purposes, is the sum of the individual crime scores.