979 resultados para Partido Conservador
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Introdução. Danos no DNA mitocondrial (DNAmt) têm sido descritos em pacientes com doença renal crônica (DRC). Estes danos podem ser avaliados através da deleção 4977pb do DNAmt em diversos tecidos. Métodos. Identificamos a prevalência da deleção 4977pb do DNAmt através da técnica da reação em cadeia da polimerase (PCR) no sangue de pacientes com DRC em tratamento conservador (creatinina >2mg/dl) ou submetidos a hemodiálise. Resultados. A freqüência da ocorrência da deleção do DNAmt foi de 73.1% (38/52) nos pacientes com DRC submetidos a hemodiálise, 57.1% (27/42) nos pacientes com DRC em tratamento conservador e 27.8% (15/54) nos controles (P< 0.001). Não encontramos aumento da freqüência desta deleção em relação a idade dos pacientes com DRC (P= 0.54) ou ao tempo de diálise (P= 0.70). Conclusão. Danos no DNAmt podem ser induzidos pela DRC em especial nos pacientes submetidos a hemodiálise. Desta forma, a deleção 4977pb do DNAmt pode servir como um marcador de danos moleculares em pacientes com DRC.
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Nesta dissertação, analisa-se o impacto do surgimento do “novo” sindicalismo no ABC Paulista através da ação do Sindicato dos Metalúrgicos de São Bernardo do Campo e Diadema no processo de abertura política. A ação desse importante ator coletivo naquela conjuntura resultou numa gama de novos repertórios de ação coletiva, bem como no reaparecimento da questão operária, após quase uma década de desaparecimento público. Esse novo ímpeto para a ação, produzido na relação conflitiva com os empresários e após com o Estado, serviu não só para produzir uma identidade política para os metalúrgicos do ABC paulista, com também uma agenda de demandas que se ampliava a cada embate e, sobretudo, um tensionamento sobre a esfera política, fazendo avançar o conteúdo nitidamente conservador assumido pela abertura “pelo alto”. A análise se concentrou no período que vai do ano de 1977 ao ano de 1980, avançando, portanto, sobre a data de fundação do Partido dos Trabalhadores, que serviria de referência para a entrada do movimento num campo marcadamente político-partidário. A análise do tema, através do uso de diversos materiais, dentre os quais entrevistas inéditas com sindicalistas que vivenciaram os acontecimentos, além de farta documentação da imprensa sindical do período, possibilitou situar a dimensão alcançada pela luta sindical naquela conjuntura e a forma como repercutiu na política nacional.
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The work that follows is dedicated to the study of the historic time experience by the political militancy from our time. The political militant from the left-wing is the one that denies the state of current things, recovering a historic experience located far before its time and projecting a future beyond the incessant reproduction of the present relations. We chosen the Landless Workers Movement, not as study object, but as specific place where this consciousness is made and can be comprehended. The historic consciousness study of the landless militancy is, for us, the best starting point to understand the magnification of the historical time operated on the change of social relations lived inside an organization. The time division between before and after, as well as the history being understood as a progress isn t a natural given data, but a construction that obeys the contradictions of the present. It, therefore, must understand how the present lived by the militancy operates changes on the consciousness of time. From documents, reference books, formation notebooks and several materials produced by MST, we try to understand the way that the movement tells his history and lists with this wider experience of the struggle for the change of the current social order. Similarly, when we hear reports of history of several militants, we try to comprehend how this wider narrative re-orients the sight over history himself, over the experience of contradictions on before and after making the landless militant
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This project wants to analyze the newspaper like a collective organic intellectual thing, and its action like a conservator integral journalism, it makes it looks like a politics block. In this case, the newspaper inserts itself in a process to support the dominated fundamental class. In the same time, it searches to disqualify politically, using the news and the opinion, the sprouting of against-hegemony even untimely and distant in the historical time. Facing this proposal we take as study object the FOLHA DE S. PAULO, nowadays the most representative agency of the great conservative press. Our theoretical reference takes as base the Gramsci organic intellectual formularizations, hegemony, position´s war, integral journalism and private device of hegemony. We allow ourselves, in a subsidiary way to the Gramsci basement, using the novel 1984 written by George Orwell, as a method to explicit, in a comparative way, the manipulation of the reality by the newspaper in its activity of collective organic intellectual. The ideology is the heuristic connection point to make convergence between reality and fiction. For the intended evidences we develop analysis of the daily covering about two great accidents occurred in 2007: The landslide of part of the workmanships of the tunnel of the Companhia do Metropolitano de São Paulo-Metrô (line yellow 4). And the flying disaster involving the airbus of Transportes Aéreos Meridionais-TAM, flight 3054, also in that state. In the first accident we find endorsement of the newspaper to the São Paulo´s government, in the person of the politician actor José Serra (PSDB), representative of the conservative forces and responsible for the workmanships of the Subway, to who it tried to distance politically of the fact. In the second event, the opposition to the politician actor Luis Inácio Luis Lula da Silva and his politics block, the PT, as a possibility against-hegemonic contested, being the mentioned actor appointed as responsible for the occurrence. However, the newspaper says that it is independent and direct, and this direct action comes from the environment. In this environment, the diversity of conceptions of world would guide the publishing work, making the FOLHA DE S. PAULO to take it as a reference for the intended objective, hiding the politics block militancy
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This work studies the dispute by Party Communist s memory in Brazil during and after division which it resulted in the appearance of two parties entitled communists, in the brazilian political context, in the final of the fifties and beginning of the sixties: the Brazilian Communist Party (in Portuguese, Partido Comunista Brasileiro) and the Communist Party of Brazil (in portuguese, Partido Comunista do Brasil). Along of yours three chapters, the author tries to answer some questions as: what were the elements which constituted the Communist Party s memory, in the period from 1922 to 1956? At which moment did this memory pass to be fiercely contested? Who and which documents reveal this? How did it happen the dispute by this memory? The approach to topic consider which the production of memory by Communist Party and the dispute for your possession by communists of PCB and of PCdoB happened in scope of national reality and of party, spaces notions understand from concept of memory developed for authors as Halbwachs, Le Goff, Pollack and Pierre Nora. To explain the objectives of historical research it has used as methodology the exam and the interpretation of documentary and bibliographical sources, with priority for the party s documents then it was depicted a collective interpretation about the events considered more importants. The sites of Partido Comunista do Brasil (www.pcdob.org.br or vermelho.org.br) and of Partido Popular Socialista (www.pps.org.br) also went consulted
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Com os crescentes conflitos de uso da água no Brasil, a implantação de políticas para a mitigação desses problemas tornou-se crucial. Nesse sentido, o conceito de Pagamentos por Serviços Ambientais (PSA) tem se difundido ao redor do mundo e, consequentemente, no Brasil. O município de Extrema, em Minas Gerais, implantou a primeira iniciativa municipal brasileira de PSA, conhecida como programa Conservador das Águas. Neste trabalho, objetivou-se avaliar a perda de solo na sub-bacia das Posses, onde se iniciou o programa Conservador das Águas, visando determinar a potencialidade que o conceito adotado nesse programa terá para a conservação do solo e otimizar o provimento desse serviço ambiental em função do tamanho e da localização da área de floresta. Quatorze diferentes cenários de uso e cobertura do solo foram analisados, utilizando-se um Sistema de Informações Geográficas e a Revised Universal Soil Loss Equation. A expectativa de perda de solo na sub-bacia das Posses antes e após a implementação do programa Conservador das Águas foi de 30,63 e 7,06 Mg ha-1 ano-1, respectivamente. A otimização da conservação do solo pode ser feita adotando-se práticas conservacionistas na pastagem e alocando-se a área de floresta de maneira mais otimizada.
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The article represents a theoretical and methodological approach to the analysis of organizational dynamics of political parties today, based on a study of the Party of Brazilian Social Democracy (PSDB) in the State of Sao Pãulo (period between 1988 to 2006). It is hypothesized that the structure and the institutional rules of a particular party, or even their election results, are insufficient to explain the inner workings, such as the role of party organization in the electoral system. An approach that articulates the relationship patterns, election results and posts held in the party, identified the factors that explain the political capital that circulated within the party and ensured its organizational dynamics over the period analyzed.
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Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FFC
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Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FFC
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FFC
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Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FFC
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Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FFC