Factors underlying support or opposition to biotechnology among Australian food consumers and implications for retailer-led food regulation

Despite current findings that consumers, on average, have negative attitudes to biotechnologies such as cloning and genetic engineering, considerable variability can be found in the direction and strength of these attitudes. This paper presents a path analysis of attitudinal, motivational, demographic and behavioural variables that influence consumer dispositions towards biotechnology. Among these variables, those found to be most important were: consumers' level of motivation to find natural foods; the extent to which they were motivated by convenience; whether they did the shopping for their household on a regular basis; and their sex. In terms of direct effects on dispositions to biotechnology, motivation to find natural foods had a very strong negative effect while convenience had a very strong positive effect. Sex had a moderate direct effect with women less likely to be positively disposed towards biotechnology than men. In an apparent contradiction, taking responsibility for household shopping had an equally strong positive effect on both naturalness and convenience. However, sex also played a crucial role here with a very strong effect on motivation to find natural foods (women more motivated), a minor effect on convenience (women less motivated) and a strong effect on responsibility for household shopping (women more likely to shop). The policy implications of these findings are important, given the apparent oppositional trends of some sections of the food industry to endorse biotechnology, and of the supermarkets to deliver `clean and green' non-GM foods to consumers. (c) 2005 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Metaphors in Hugo Chávez's political discourse:conceptualizing nation, revolution and opposition

This book provides the first comprehensive analysis of metaphors used by Hugo Chávez in his efforts to construct and legitimize his Bolivarian Revolution. It focuses on metaphors drawn from three of his most frequent target domains: the nation, his revolution, and the opposition. The author argues that behind an official discourse of inclusion, Chávez's choice of metaphors contributes to the construction of a polarizing discourse of exclusion in which his political opponents are represented as enemies of the nation. Chávez constructs this polarizing discourse of exclusion by combining metaphors that conceptualize: (a) the nation as a person who has been resurrected by his government, as a person ready to fight for his revolution, or as Chávez himself; (b) the revolution as war; and (c) members of the opposition as war combatants or criminals. At the same time, by making explicit references in his discourse about the revolution as the continuation of Simón Bolívar's wars of independence, Chávez contributes to represent opponents as enemies of the nation, given that in the Venezuelan collective imaginary Bolívar is the symbol of the nation's emancipation.

Metaphors in Hugo Chávez's political discourse:conceptualizing nation, revolution and opposition

This dissertation examines Hugo Chávez's choice of metaphors in his efforts to construct and legitimize his Bolivarian Revolution. It focuses on metaphors drawn from three of the most frequent target domains present in his discourse: the nation, his revolution, and the opposition. The study argues that behind an official discourse of inclusion, Chávez's choice of metaphors contributes to the construction of a polarizing discourse of exclusion in which his political opponents are represented as enemies of the nation.The study shows that Chávez constructs this polarizing discourse of exclusion by combining metaphors that conceptualize: (a) the nation as a person who has been resurrected by his government, as a person ready to fight for his revolution, or as Chávez himself; (b) the revolution as war; and (c) members of the opposition as war combatants or criminals. At the same time, the study shows that by making explicit references in his discourse about the revolution as the continuation of Bolívar's wars of independence, Chávez contributes to represent opponents as enemies of the nation, given that in the Venezuelan collective imaginary Simón Bolívar is the symbol of the nation's emancipation.This research, which covers a period of nine years (from Chávez's first year in office in 1999 through 2007), is part of the discipline of Political Discourse Analysis (PDA). It is anchored both in the theoretical framework provided by the cognitive linguistic metaphor theory developed by George Lakoff and Mark Johnson described in their book Metaphors We Live By, and in Critical Metaphor Analysis (CMA) as defined by Jonathan Charteris-Black in his book Corpus Approaches to Critical Metaphor Analysis.The study provides the first comprehensive analysis of metaphors used by Chávez in his political discourse. It builds upon the findings of previous studies on political discourse analysis in Venezuela by showing that Chávez's discourse not only polarizes the country and represents opponents as detractors of national symbols such as Bolívar or his wars of independence (which have been clearly established in previous studies), but also represents political opponents as enemies of the nation.

The Front National:from systematic opposition to systemic integration?

For most of its existence, the Front National (FN) fitted the classic definition of the anti-system party, opposing the founding values, institutions and elites of the Fifth Republic. Now, under Marine Le Pen's leadership, it has embarked on a strategy to integrate to the regime it once defied. Does this strategy of normalisation bear scrutiny? Using a framework drawn from Giovanni Sartori and Robert Michels, this article asks whether the FN is a one-time anti-system party that is becoming mainstream, and also whether these simple oppositional categories are adequate for understanding ideological and policy evolution in the FN's case. Through an analysis of continuity and change in FN strategy and programmes, the article shows a party torn between anti-system differentiation and institutional adaptation. It may claim to have cast out its demons but has not undertaken the necessary moderation of its programme to substantiate that claim. The FN today is on no linear path of deradicalisation but exhibits a combination of consistent, diminished and increasing radicalism across different policy areas. Despite an upward dynamic and a hugely favourable context, it remains almost entirely excluded from power and far from the breakthrough required to become a party of government.

Crafting Radical Opposition or Reproducing Homonormativity? : Consociationalism and LGBT Rights Activism in Lebanon

Peer reviewed

Crafting Radical Opposition or Reproducing Homonormativity? : Consociationalism and LGBT Rights Activism in Lebanon

Peer reviewed

Bella Abzug and the opposition at the International Women's Year conference in Albany, NY

General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.

The opposition using walkie talkies in the conference hall. Walkie talkies were forbidden and they were thrown out

General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.

L’intégration, dans la communauté, des personnes présentant une déficience intellectuelle : étude des manifestations d'opposition ou d'appui du voisinage

La volonté d'intégrer, dans la communauté, les personnes présentant une déficience intellectuelle et de changer le mode de vie institutionnel par un mode de vie similaire à celui des autres citoyens, oriente depuis plusieurs années les services de réadaptation. Comme le souligne Kebbon (1987), ce désir d'intégrer les personnes présentant une déficience intellectuelle est largement issu du principe de la normalisation. D'abord formulé en Scandinavie par Nirje (1969) puis repris aux États-Unis par Wolfensberger (1972), ce principe statue qu'un effort constant doit être fait pour rendre normales les conditions de vie des personnes présentant une déficience intellectuelle. L'intégration est "une condition nécessaire à la normalisation et est habituellement le moyen d'y aboutir" (Kebbon, 1987; 69). Toutefois, selon plusieurs auteurs, le succès ou l'échec de l'intégration repose largement sur l'acceptation et l'appui du public (Eisenring et Pasche, 1981; lonescu, 1987; Kastner, Repucci et Pezzoli, 1979; Roth et Smith, 1983; Sandler et Robinson, 1981; Seltzer, 1984; Sternlicht, 1976). La connaissance des réactions des personnes qui vivent dans le voisinage d'une ressource d'hébergement pour personnes ayant une déficience intellectuelle s'avère donc essentielle afin de bien évaluer le processus d'intégration et d'offrir aux personnes déficientes une meilleure qualité de vie. Le mouvement de désinstitutionnalisation et d'intégration des personnes déficientes a été amorcé au Québec depuis une dizaine d'années. Or, on ne sait encore que peu de choses quant aux réactions de la population à cette intégration communautaire. Deux études québécoises (Coté, Ouellet et Lachance, 1990; lonescu et Despins, 1990) portant sur les attitudes envers l'intégration communautaire des personnes ayant une déficience intellectuelle apportent quelques renseignements. L'étude de lonescu et Despins réalisée auprès d'étudiants et d'étudiantes de niveau collégial et universitaire, montre que 85,5% des répondants sont favorables à l'intégration communautaire des personnes présentant une déficience intellectuelle. Celle de Côté et al. menée auprès du grand public, indique que les deux tiers des répondants ne seraient pas défavorables à la présence de ces personnes dans leur quartier. Toutefois, aucune étude québécoise réalisée auprès de personnes qui vivent directement en contact avec le phénomène de l'intégration des personnes présentant une déficience intellectuelle n'a été recensée. Comment réagissent les gens lorsqu'ils sont confrontés au phénomène de l'intégration? Acceptent-ils la présence des personnes ayant une déficience intellectuelle ou, au contraire, s'y opposent-ils? Comment manifestent-ils leur acceptation ou leur opposition? Voilà autant de questions auxquelles ce mémoire tentera de répondre.

Programme d'intervention visant la diminution des manifestations d'opposition et de provocation chez les enfants de 3 ans par l'apprentissage des habiletés sociales et d'autocontrôle, en intégrant un volet soutien à l'éducatrice au programme Brindami

Rapport d'analyse d'intervention présenté à la Faculté des arts et sciences en vue de l'obtention du grade de Maîtrise ès sciences (M. Sc.) en psychoéducation.

Programme d'intervention visant la diminution des manifestations d'opposition et de provocation chez les enfants de 3 ans par l'apprentissage des habiletés sociales et d'autocontrôle, en intégrant un volet soutien à l'éducatrice au programme Brindami

Rapport d'analyse d'intervention présenté à la Faculté des arts et sciences en vue de l'obtention du grade de Maîtrise ès sciences (M. Sc.) en psychoéducation.

Resistance and opposition to the Macedonian kingship in the ancient Iranian world

This thesis deals with the criticism of Macedonian kingship in the ancient Iranian world. The question of indigenous opposition and resistance to the Greeks and Macedonians has been little addressed by ancient historians. The study therefore adopts a different, interdisciplinary perspective and seeks to understand where the utterly negative portrayal of Alexander and the Macedonians found in most Iranian sources stems from. The first part deals with the subject by first examining the acts of violence committed by Alexander and his men against the Iranians during the expedition to Asia that might have led to such a portrayal in the Iranian sources. I have focused on looting, massacres and insults to deities, such as the looting of temples or the destruction of many settlements in ancient Iran handed down in classical sources. To this end, an important part was devoted to the analysis of archaeological sources, especially the signs of destruction in areas such as Persia and Sogdiana. In the second part, the image of Alexander and his successors, although mentioned much less frequently, as it appears in pre-Islamic Iranian literature, is analysed in detail, focusing on the faults and cruelties attributed to them against the Iranians, but especially against their religion. These are mostly Zoroastrian religious sources, whose clergy preserved a demonic image of the Macedonian kings. In the third and final part, further examples of offences committed by the Diadochi and Seleucids against the Iranians in the classical tradition are collected. At the same time, it is examined how the Hellenistic rulers of Iranian origin, e.g. the Arsacids and the Orontids, opposed not only militarily but also ideologically the Macedonian tradition represented by the kingdoms of Macedonian descent and chose a pro-Iranian tradition that was clearly different from the Greco-Roman one.

(-)-tarchonanthuslactone Exerts A Blood Glucose-increasing Effect In Experimental Type 2 Diabetes Mellitus.

A number of studies have proposed an anti-diabetic effect for tarchonanthuslactone based on its structural similarity with caffeic acid, a compound known for its blood glucose-reducing properties. However, the actual effect of tarchonanthuslactone on blood glucose level has never been tested. Here, we report that, in opposition to the common sense, tarchonanthuslactone has a glucose-increasing effect in a mouse model of obesity and type 2 diabetes mellitus. The effect is acute and non-cumulative and is present only in diabetic mice. In lean, glucose-tolerant mice, despite a slight increase in blood glucose levels, the effect was not significant.