636 resultados para Nationalism


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Parallel Ruptures: Jews of Bessarabia and Transnistria between Romanian Nationalism and Soviet Communism, 1918-1940, explores the political and social debates that took place in Jewish communities in Romanian-held Bessarabia and the Moldovan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic during the interwar era. Both had been part of the Russian Pale of Settlement until its dissolution in 1917; they were then divided by the Romanian Armys occupation of Bessarabia in 1918 with the establishment of a well-guarded border along the Dniester River between two newly-formed states, Greater Romania and the Soviet Union. At its core, the project focuses in comparative context on the traumatic and multi-faceted confrontation with these two modernizing states: exclusion, discrimination and growing violence in Bessarabia; destruction of religious tradition, agricultural resettlement, and socialist re-education and assimilation in Soviet Transnistria. It examines also the similarities in both states striving to create model subjects usable by the homeland, as well as commonalities within Jewish responses on both sides of the border. Contacts between Jews on either side of the border remained significant after 1918 despite the efforts of both states to curb them, thereby necessitating a transnational view in order to examine Jewish political and social life in borderland regions. The desire among Jewish secular leaders to mold their co-religionists into modern Jews reached across state borders and ideological divides and sought to manipulate respective governments to establish these goals, however unsuccessful in the final analysis. Finally, strained relations between Jews in peripheral borderlands with those at national/imperial cores, Moscow and Bucharest, sheds light on the complex circumstances surrounding the inclusion versus exclusion debates at the heart of all interwar European states and the complicated negotiations that took place within all minority communities that responded to state policies.

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Since Americas beginnings as a British colony, its musical standards have adhered to those of Western Europe. For this reason, musical forms native to America like Black folk spirituals and Gospel music have historically been marginalized in favor of music in the Western classical tradition. Today, a bias towards music of the Western classical tradition exists in those American universities that grant music degrees. While this bias is understandable, inclusion of Gospel music history and performance practice would result in a more complete understanding of American music and its impact on American nationalism. The United States Naval Academy is one of the few American universities that have consistently elevated the performance of Gospel music to the level of Western Classical music within its institutional culture. The motivations for writing this document are to provide a brief history of Gospel music in the United States and of choral music at the Naval Academy. These historical accounts serve as lenses though which the intersection of Gospel music performance practice and leadership development at the United States Naval Academy may be observed. During the last two decades of the twentieth century, Gospel music intersected American military culture at the U.S. Naval Academy. After a few student-led attempts in the 1970s, a Gospel Choir was formed in 1986 but by 1990, it had become an official part of the Music Department. Ultimately, it received institutional support and today, the Gospel Choir is one of three touring choirs authorized to represent the Academy in an official capacity. This document discusses the promotion of Gospel music by the Naval Academy in its efforts to diversify Academy culture and ultimately, Naval and Marine Corps leadership. Finally, this dissertation examines the addition of performed cultural expression (Gospel music) in light of a shift in American nationalism and discusses its impact on Naval Academy culture.

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This paper explores ethnic and religious minority youth perspectives of security and nationalism in Scotland during the independence campaign in 2014. We discuss how young people co-construct narratives of Scottish nationalism alongside minority ethnic and faith identities in order to feel secure.By critically combining literatures from feminist geopolitics, international relations (IR) and childrens emotional geographies, we employ the concept of ontological security. The paper departs from state-centric approaches to security to explore the relational entanglements between geopolitical discourses and the ontological security of young people living through a moment of political change. We examine how everyday encounters with difference can reflect broader geopolitical narratives of security and insecurity, which subsequently trouble notions of multicultural nationalism in Scotland and demonstrate ways that youth securitize the self (Kinnvall, 2004).The paper responds to calls for empirical analyses of youth perspectives on nationalism and security (Benwell, 2016) and on the nexus between security and emotional subjectivity in critical geopolitics (Pain, 2009; Shaw et al., 2014). Funded by the Arts and Humanities Research Council (AHRC), this paper draws on focus group and interview data from 382 ethnic and religious minority young people in Scotland collected over the 12-month period of the campaign. Keywords: nationalism, young people, race and ethnicity, ontological security, everyday geopolitics

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IN recent decades nationalism has sometimes been classed in the same category of immoral behaviours as racism and sexism. Reading from the historical and literary record, nationalism often appears to have been little other than racism and sexism. Race was the very basis of the national settlement in early twentieth-century Australia; how profoundly, I think, is something we still have to learn. How far are we from thinking in terms of First Nations as a way of acknowledging Indigenous Australia? Our easy familiarity with and moral superiority to' pre- I967 Australia and the White Australia Policy means that there are many degrees of Australian racism that remain hidden from commonplace historical knowledge:' Australians still tend to think of South Africa as belonging to-another time and place altogether, another moral universe and historical trajectory. This was not a mistake that colonial Australians made. The parallels will become less and less resistible.

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This study identifies and explores a new country of origin (COO) cue, owned by. The importance of three extrinsic cues owned by , made in and price was examined using conjoint analysis. Data were collected from a sample of 268 undergraduate students familiar with color televisions. Segments were formed using cluster analysis and analyzed using multiple discriminant analysis. Owned by was found to be important and distinct from the made in cue. Segments based on the two COO cues were identified using importance weights and individual utilities. When segments were formed using individual utilities the individual difference construct, economic nationalism, provided discriminatory power while consumer ethnocentrism did not, supporting the hypothesis that economic nationalism and consumer ethnocentrism differ. Practitioners can now use owned by knowing that it forms an important and distinct marketing tool. Limitations and future research are discussed.

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Edward Said, palestiniano cidado do mundo, historiador crtico da literatura e da cultura preocupa-se em analisar e desmistificar as representaes ideolgicas que afirmam a superioridade de uma cultura sobre as outras. Em Orientalismo , publicado originalmente em 1978, demonstra como o colonialismo europeu constri uma representao do mundo oriental, especialmente do mundo rabe e muulmano, em que os representados surgem como seres incapazes de autonomia, racionalidade e autogoverno. Como contraponto a esta concepo, desenvolve-se, no perodo da emancipao e das independncias coloniais, uma nova viso em que os povos colonizados de mero objecto de representao se transformam em sujeitos da sua prpria histria. Em Cultura e Imperialismo , publicado em 1993, Said analisa como os intelectuais e os criadores dos povos dominados elaboram uma nova representao de si prprios e do Outro no mbito do processo de luta e emancipao colonial. Mas apenas a livre interaco e interdependncia das culturas poder constituir uma sntese superadora do imperialismo e do nacionalismo anticolonial. Dimenso libertadora que se tornar a verdadeira misso e vocao do intelectual sem fronteiras de que Said foi um dos maiores expoentes contemporneos.

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O presente ensaio considera o Boletim da Direo Geral do Ensino Primrio, Escola Portuguesa, como um importante meio de comunicao da poltica educativa do Estado Novo junto do professorado primrio, com objetivos de orientao e inculcao ideolgica. Uma anlise do lugar ocupado pela Histria de Portugal nas pginas da Escola Portuguesa esboada para o perodo compreendido entre 1934 e 1946. Os acontecimentos e as figuras da Histria portuguesa que so usados como elementos estruturantes do discurso polticoideolgico do Salazarismo so identificados. Estas prticas discursivas tm como principais objetivos a legitimao do regime e a operacionalizao do seu programa poltico junto dos agentes educativos, alunos e comunidade local.

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This Is England is social realist film portraying racism and poverty in 1980s Britain through the eyes of Shaun, a 12 year old boy, who has lost his father in the Falklands war and as to come to terms with his own identity, the difficult transition from childhood to adolescence and the need to fit in a determined group/tribe/gang. The following article aims at analysing relevant aspects depicted from the film emphasizing the so much debated reality of life during 80s. In This is England Shane Meadows manages to rediscover his own self geography, by revisiting his adolescent years. It is a biographical film about the importance of peer pressure and the results of an excess of nationalism, at the same time it typifies some issues related to the 80s youth culture.

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Since 1989, five parliamentary elections have been the stage for the foundation and demise of political parties aspiring to govern the new democratic Polish state. The demise of the AWS before the 2001 elections after ten years of attempts to create a centre-right core party resulted in a new splintering of the right-wing, and the centre-right became again devoid of a pivotal formation. While Eurosceptic parties in average gain 8 percent of the vote, in the 2001 Polish parliamentary elections Eurosceptic parties gained around 20 percent of the vote. In Poland right-wing parties show an unusual propensity for Euroscepticism. The persistence and increased importance of nationalism in Poland, which has prevented the development of a strong Christian democratic party, effectively explains the levels of Euroscepticism on the right. After the autumn 2005 parliamentary elections the national conservative party, Law and Justice, formed a governing coalition with the national Catholic League of Polish Families, creating one of the first Eurosceptic governments. Although this work does not intend to provide a theorisation of party systems development, it shows that the context of European integration fostered nationalists divisiveness of, and provoked the splitting of the right the unusual propensity of parties for Euroscepticism makes Poland a paradigmatic case of the kind of conflicts over European integration emerging in Central and Eastern European party systems.

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Complutum, V. 12, pp. 297-309.

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A seguinte investigao centra-se sobre a sociognese da nao e do Estado angolano no contexto de estado ps-colonial e de dependncia externa. O presente trabalho tem como fito elaborar um conjunto de anlises e interpretaes de factos histricos e da realidade poltica angolana para compreender os sistemas de reprodues que esto na base da construo da herana colonial, e ao mesmo tempo explicar como este processo est a ser dirigido pelas elites angolanas na continuao da formao da identidade nacional. Para isso, foi importante o papel das elites nacionalistas de pendor mais internacionalista que, pelo seu legado cultural, apostaram mais na reproduo das estruturas do que em enveredarem para um pan-africanismo que caracterizou algumas tendncias noutros estados ps-coloniais de frica. O reforo da herana colonial est circunscrito na forma como a prpria descolonizao foi feita, no contexto de Guerra Fria e nos confrontos civis que se seguiram independncia. Logo, o papel dos nacionalistas foi de importncia capital na constituio da nao e do Estado, a qual o processo ainda no apresenta sinais de um projecto acabado. Isto porque a dinmica poltica ainda muito dirigida pelo Estado e pela elite dirigente, perpetuando a forma de Estado centralizado de tipo colonial. As consequncias desta forte centralizao so a ausncia de uma sociedade civil e a represso de qualquer autonomia social ou liberdade individual. Tudo isto est a ser feito em nome da construo da identidade angolana e do pretenso Estado Nao, que visa a uma cultura nacional.

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Dissertao de mestrado em Cincia Poltica