853 resultados para National security - Japan


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Current concerns regarding terrorism and international crime highlight the need for new techniques for detecting unknown and hazardous substances. A novel Raman spectroscopy-based technique, spatially offset Raman spectroscopy (SORS), was recently devised for non-invasively probing the contents of diffusely scattering and opaque containers. Here, we demonstrate a modified portable SORS sensor for detecting concealed substances in-field under different background lighting conditions. Samples including explosive precursors, drugs and an organophosphate insecticide (chemical warfare agent surrogate) were concealed inside diffusely scattering packaging including plastic, paper and cloth. Measurements were carried out under incandescent and fluorescent light as well as under daylight to assess the suitability of the probe for different real-life conditions. In each case, it was possible to identify the substances against their reference Raman spectra in less than one minute. The developed sensor has potential for rapid detection of concealed hazardous substances in airports, mail distribution centers and customs checkpoints.

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This article considers the impact of the WikiLeaks organisation in relation to debates around the defence of national security and free speech, global media citizenship and the emerging dynamics of the global public sphere. Building on the author’s previous work on political communication, journalism and ‘cultural chaos’, it explores the implications of WikiLeaks for emerging conceptions and definitions of journalism, and for the changing structure of media–politics power relations at the global level, against the background of three trends: democratisation, declining deference and digitalisation.

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Techniques to improve the automated analysis of natural and spontaneous facial expressions have been developed. The outcome of the research has applications in several fields including national security (eg: expression invariant face recognition); education (eg: affect aware interfaces); mental and physical health (eg: depression and pain recognition).

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Numerous statements and declarations have been made over recent decades in support of open access to research data. The growing recognition of the importance of open access to research data has been accompanied by calls on public research funding agencies and universities to facilitate better access to publicly funded research data so that it can be re-used and redistributed as public goods. International and inter-governmental bodies such as the ICSU/CODATA, the OECD and the European Union are strong supporters of open access to and re-use of publicly funded research data. This thesis focuses on the research data created by university researchers in Malaysian public universities whose research activities are funded by the Federal Government of Malaysia. Malaysia, like many countries, has not yet formulated a policy on open access to and re-use of publicly funded research data. Therefore, the aim of this thesis is to develop a policy to support the objective of enabling open access to and re-use of publicly funded research data in Malaysian public universities. Policy development is very important if the objective of enabling open access to and re-use of publicly funded research data is to be successfully achieved. In developing the policy, this thesis identifies a myriad of legal impediments arising from intellectual property rights, confidentiality, privacy and national security laws, novelty requirements in patent law and lack of a legal duty to ensure data quality. Legal impediments such as these have the effect of restricting, obstructing, hindering or slowing down the objective of enabling open access to and re-use of publicly funded research data. A key focus in the formulation of the policy was the need to resolve the various legal impediments that have been identified. This thesis analyses the existing policies and guidelines of Malaysian public universities to ascertain to what extent the legal impediments have been resolved. An international perspective is adopted by making a comparative analysis of the policies of public research funding agencies and universities in the United Kingdom, the United States and Australia to understand how they have dealt with the identified legal impediments. These countries have led the way in introducing policies which support open access to and re-use of publicly funded research data. As well as proposing a policy supporting open access to and re-use of publicly funded research data in Malaysian public universities, this thesis provides procedures for the implementation of the policy and guidelines for addressing the legal impediments to open access and re-use.

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After the terrorist attacks in the United States on 11 September 2001, terrorism and counter-terrorism efforts moved to the front of popular consciousness and became the focus of national security for governments worldwide. With this increased attention came an urgent interest in understanding and identifying what works in fighting terrorism (Belasco 2010). For Australia, understanding the relative effectiveness of counter-terrorism efforts in nearby neighbours of Indonesia, Thailand and the Philippines is highly relevant for our country's national security. Indonesia, Thailand and the Philippines are all countries that are important to Australia not just because of geographic proximity, but also because of a history of economic ties and the role these countries play as Australia’s regional partners...

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As the number of potential applications of Unmanned Aircraft Systems (UAS) grows in civilian operations and national security, National Airworthiness Authorities are under increasing pressure to provide a path for certification and allow UAS integration into the national airspace. The success of this integration depends on developments in improved UAS reliability and safety, regulations for certification, and technologies for operational performance and safety assessment. This paper focusses on the latter and describes the use of a framework for evaluating robust autonomy of UAS, namely, the autonomous system’s ability to either continue operation in the presence of faults or safely shut down. The paper draws parallels between the proposed evaluation framework and the evaluation of pilots during the licensing process. It also discusses how the data from the proposed evaluation can be uses as an aid for decision making in certification and UAS designs.

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Over the past decade there has been an increased awareness in the field of international relations of the potential impact of an infectious disease epidemic on national security. While states’ attempts to combat infectious disease have a long history, what is new in this area is the adoption at the international level of securitized responses regarding the containment of infectious disease. This article argues that the securitization of infectious disease by states and the World Health Organization (WHO) has led to two key developments. First, the WHO has had to assert itself as the primary actor that all states, particularly western states, can rely upon to contain the threat of infectious diseases. The WHO's apparent success in this is evidenced by the development of the Global Outbreak Alert Response Network (GOARN), which has led to arguments that the WHO has emerged as the key authority in global health governance. The second outcome that this article seeks to explore is the development of the WHO's authority in the area of infectious disease surveillance. In particular, is GOARN a representation of the WHO's consummate authority in the area of coordinating infectious disease response or is GOARN the product of the WHO's capitulation to western states’ concerns with preventing infectious disease outbreaks from reaching their borders and as a result, are arguments expressing the authority of the WHO in infectious disease response premature?

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The growing number of potential applications of Unmanned Aircraft Systems (UAS) in civilian operations and national security is putting pressure of National Airworthiness Authorities to provide a path for certification and allow UAS integration into the national airspace. The success of this integration depends not only on developments in improved UAS reliability and safety, but also on regulations for certification, and methodologies for operational performance and safety assessment. This paper focuses on the latter and describes progress in relation to a previously proposed framework for evaluating robust autonomy of UAS. The paper draws parallels between the proposed evaluation framework and the evaluation of pilots during the licensing process. It discusses how the data from the proposed evaluation can be used as an aid for decision making in certification and UAS designs. Finally, it discusses challenges associated with the evaluation.

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SIMON is a family of 10 lightweight block ciphers published by Beaulieu et al. from the United States National Security Agency (NSA). A cipher in this family with K -bit key and N -bit block is called SIMON N/K . We present several linear characteristics for reduced-round SIMON32/64 that can be used for a key-recovery attack and extend them further to attack other variants of SIMON. Moreover, we provide results of key recovery analysis using several impossible differential characteristics starting from 14 out of 32 rounds for SIMON32/64 to 22 out of 72 rounds for SIMON128/256. In some cases the presented observations do not directly yield an attack, but provide a basis for further analysis for the specific SIMON variant. Finally, we exploit a connection between linear and differential characteristics for SIMON to construct linear characteristics for different variants of reduced-round SIMON. Our attacks extend to all variants of SIMON covering more rounds compared to any known results using linear cryptanalysis. We present a key recovery attack against SIMON128/256 which covers 35 out of 72 rounds with data complexity 2123 . We have implemented our attacks for small scale variants of SIMON and our experiments confirm the theoretical bias presented in this work.

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Light to the East? The Finnish Lutheran Mission and the Soviet Union 1967 1973 The Cold War affected the lives of Christian churches, especially in Europe. Besides the official ecumenical relations between east and west, there existed unofficial activity from west to east, such as smuggling Bibles and distributing information about the severe condition of human rights in the USSR. This study examines this kind of unofficial activity originating in Finland. It especially concentrates on the missionary work to the Soviet Union done by the Finnish Lutheran Mission (FLM, Suomen Evankelisluterilainen Kansanlähetys) founded in 1967. The work for Eastern Europe was organised through the Department for the Slavic Missions. FLM was founded within the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland, but it was not connected to the church on an organisational level. In addition to the strong emphasis on the Lutheran confession, FLM presented evangelical theology. The fundamental work of the Department for the Slavic Missions was to organise the smuggling of Bibles and other Christian literature to the Soviet Union and other countries behind the iron curtain. They also financed several Christian radio programmes produced and aired mainly by the international Trans World Radio. The Department diversified its activity to humanitarian help by distributing material help such as clothes and shoes to the unregistered evangelical and baptist groups, which were called the underground churches . In Finland the Department focused on information services. It published its own magazine, Valoa idässä (Light in the East), 5 to 6 times per year. Through the magazine and by distributing samizdat material received from the unregistered Christian groups, it discussed and reported the violations of human rights in the Soviet Union, especially when the unregistered Christian groups were considered the victims. The resistance against the Soviet Union was not as much political but religious: the staff of the Department were religious and revivalist young people who thought, for instance, that communism was in some way an apocalyptic world power revealed in the Bible. Smuggling Bibles was discussed widely in the Finnish media and even in parliament and the Finnish Security Police (SUPO, Suojelupoliisi) and in the Lutheran Church. From the church s point of view, this kind of missionary work was understandable but bothersome. Through their ecumenical connections, the bishops knew the critical situation of churches behind the iron curtain very well, but wanted to act diplomatically and cautiously to prevent causing harm to ecumenical or political relations. The leftist media and members of parliament especially accused the work of the Department of being illegal and endangering relations between Finland and the Soviet Union. SUPO did not consider the work of the Department as illegal activity or as a threat to Finnish national security.

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In late 2010, the online nonprofit media organization WikiLeaks published classified documents detailing correspondence between the U.S. State Department and its diplomatic missions around the world, numbering around 250,000 cables. These diplomatic cables contained classified information with comments on world leaders, foreign states, and various international and domestic issues. Negative reactions to the publication of these cables came from both the U.S. political class (which was generally condemnatory of WikiLeaks, invoking national security concerns and the jeopardizing of U.S. interests abroad) and the corporate world, with various companies ceasing to continue to provide services to WikiLeaks despite no legal measure (e.g., a court injunction) forcing them to do so. This article focuses on the legal remedies available to WikiLeaks against this corporate suppression of its speech in the U.S. and Europe since these are the two principle arenas in which the actors concerned are operating. The transatlantic legal protection of free expression will be considered, yet, as will be explained in greater detail, the legal conception of this constitutional and fundamental right comes from a time when the state posed the greater threat to freedom. As a result, it is not generally enforceable against private, non-state entities interfering with speech and expression which is the case here. Other areas of law, namely antitrust/competition, contract and tort will then be examined to determine whether WikiLeaks and its partners can attempt to enforce their right indirectly through these other means. Finally, there will be some concluding thoughts about the implications of the corporate response to the WikiLeaks embassy cables leak for freedom of expression online.

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Tämän Pro gradu -tutkielman tarkoituksena on selventää Kansallisen Kokoomuspuolueen kommunisminvastaisuutta 1920-luvulla, tarkemmin ottaen vuoden 1929 eduskuntavaalikamppailussa. Tutkimuskysymykseni liittyvät puolueen identiteetin ja kommunisminvastaisuuden yhteyteen: miten kokoomuspuolueen suhtautuminen kommunismiin kytkeytyi, yhtäältä, oman porvarillisen poliittis-kansallisen identiteetin puolustamiseen, ja toisaalta, vuonna 1929 vallitseviin poliittisiin oloihin, jolloin muun muassa parlamentaarinen järjestelmä herätti laajaa epäluottamusta, kokoomus ajautui sisäiseen kriisiin ja kommunistien kumoustavoite korostui suomalaisessa julkisuudessa? Etsimällä vastauksia näihin kysymyksiin pyrin selittämään mistä osakokonaisuuksista antikommunismi koostui, miten uhkaa muokattiin ja perusteltiin. Mielestäni tärkeää ja mielenkiintoista on miettiä, kuinka kommunisminvastaisuus ilmeni ikään kuin vastauksena muihin yhteiskunnallis-poliittisiin ongelmiin ja turhautumiin. Tutkimukseni teoreettinen viitekehys perustuu toiseuden ja viholliskuvien tutkimukseen, koska toiseuden merkitys identiteetin kehittymiselle on kiistaton. Tähän liittyvän kirjallisuuden lisäksi olen käyttänyt lähteinäni tutkimuskirjallisuutta, sanomalehtiä ja julkaisemattomia arkistolähteitä. Tutkimukseni aatehistoriallisen luonteen vuoksi ensisijainen alkuperäislähteeni on julkaistu materiaali – vaalijulkaisut ja kokoomuslehdistö – jonka avulla olen pyrkinyt analysoimaan puolueen suhtautumista kommunismiin ja sen vaikutusta puolueen identiteetille. Metodini on historiallis-kvalitatiivinen, joka tarkoittaa sitä, että pyrin samaan aikaan huomioimaan sekä puolueen julkisuuskuvan että sen toiminnan kulisseissa. Tämä edellyttää huomion kohdistamista sekä julkaistuun että julkaisemattomaan lähdeaineistoon. Julkaistuun materiaaliin kohdistuneen analyysin pohjalta on mahdollista päätellä, että kokoomus halusi luoda itsestään kuvan jyrkästi kommunisminvastaisena puolueena. Toiseus-analyysin perusteella voidaan sanoa, että kommunismi oli puolueen selvä toinen. Julkisuuskuva ei kuitenkaan välttämättä vastannut puolueen todellisia käsityksiä kommunismista ja sen pohjalle muodostetusta viholliskuvasta. Antikommunismi ja viholliskuvan vahvistaminen palvelivat myös muita päämääriä, joista merkittävimmät liittyivät katkenneen kokoomuksen yhtenäisyyden pönkittämiseen ja huomion kääntämiseen pois muista vuonna 1929 esiin työntyneistä ongelmista. Kommunismin muodostamaa uhkaa Suomen kansalliselle olemassaololle pyrittiin perustelemaan monelta eri kantilta. Kommunismin nähtiin rapauttavan kristillisen moraalin ja siveellisyyden, lisäävän yhteiskunnallisia levottomuuksia, heikentävän parlamentarismia sekä vaarantavan Suomen sotilaallisen turvallisuuden ja pyhäksi koetun etuvartiotehtävän. Antikommunismi yhdistyi läheisesti myös ideologisen venäläisvastaisuuden ääri-ilmiöön, ryssävihaan. Näihin eri ilmiöihin liittyvä "antikommunistinen diskurssi" oli siis yksi niistä perustoista, jonka päällä kokoomuksen poliittis-kansallinen identiteetti kehittyi 1920-luvun mittaan. Kevätkesän 1929 tuomien, lähes ylitsepääsemättömien vaikeuksien myötä antikommunistisen diskurssin merkitys kasvoi entisestään ja loi pohjan puolueen suhtautumiselle lapualaisvuosiin.

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Efficient sensing of trace amount nitroaromatic (NAC) explosives has become a major research focus in recent time due to concerns over national security as well as their role as environment pollutants. NO2-containing electron-deficient aromatic compounds, such as picric acid (PA), trinitrotoluene (TNT), and dinitrotoluene (DNT), are the common constituents of many commercially available chemical explosives. In this article, we have summarized our recent developments on the rational design of electron-rich self-assembled discrete molecular sensors and their efficacy in sensing nitroaromatics both in solution as well as in vapor phase. Several p-electron-rich fluorescent metallacycles (squares, rectangles, and tweezers/pincers) and metallacages (trigonal and tetragonal prisms) have been synthesized by means of metal-ligand coordination-bonding interactions, with enough internal space to accommodate electron-deficient nitroaromatics at the molecular level by multiple supramolecular interactions. Such interactions subsequently result in the detectable fluorescence quenching of sensors even in the presence of trace quantities of nitroaromatics. The fascinating sensing characteristics of molecular architectures discussed in this article may enable future development of improved sensors for nitroaromatic explosives.

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Selective and discriminative detection of -NO2 containing high energy organic compounds such as picric acid (PA), 2,4,6-trinitrotoluene (TNT) and dinitrotoluene (DNT) has become a challenging task due to concerns over national security, criminal investigations and environment protections. Among various known detection methods, fluorescence techniques have gained special attention in recent time. A wide variety of fluorescent chemosensors have been developed for nitroaromatic explosive detection. In this review article, we provide an overview of the recent developments made in small molecule-based turn-off fluorescent sensors for nitroaromatic explosives with special focus on organic and H-bonded supramolecular sensors. The fluorescent sensors discussed in this review are classified and organized according to their functionality and their recognition of nitroaromatics by fluorescence quenching.

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Através da análise da revista Nação Armada, publicação de caráter civil-militar dedicada a Segurança Nacional, publicada pelo Exército brasileiro entre 1939 e 1947, o presente trabalho tem como objetivo compreender o processo de construção de um pensamento autoritário e anticomunista no Exército brasileiro neste período, e medir a contribuição do periódico Nação Armada neste processo. Utilizando a Nação Armada como fio condutor, procuramos remontar as formas de pensamento dos homens da época, tendo o mesmo cuidado em analisar conceitos como o de autoritarismo. Metodologicamente, adotamos primeiramente uma abordagem hermenêutica, quando todos os dados relacionados à publicação da Nação Armada (editores, tiragem, formato, autores, artigos, etc.), foram exaustivamente levantados e organizados, e em seguida passamos a uma abordagem heurística, quando passamos à crítica interna do conteúdo da Nação Armada, analisando os conceitos e discursos mais recorrentes. Contextualizamos nossa circunscrição temporal e temática à Era Vargas, e ao momento internacional. Trouxemos à discussão fatos históricos pontuais e locais, cronologicamente anteriores à publicação de Nação Armada, como a Intentona Comunista de 1935, bem como processos mais abrangentes e internacionais como a crise do sistema político liberal, a Segunda Guerra Mundial e o comunismo. Autores como Azevedo Amaral, Francisco Campos e Oliveira Vianna nos forneceram um arcabouço primordial para o entendimento de uma ideologia autoritária no Brasil na primeira metade do século XX. Dentre as várias ramificações que o presente trabalho apresentou, em virtude de período tão rico e transformador da história nacional e mundial, adotamos uma hipótese principal, que vai ao sentido de um processo contínuo de elaboração de ideário anticomunista e autoritário no Exército brasileiro através de construções simbólicas, e de tradições inventadas.