913 resultados para National State
Resumo:
This study has as object eight state vocational schools located in Araguari, Araxá, Frutal, Ituiutaba, Monte Carmelo, Patos de Minas, Uberaba and Uberlândia, in Minas Gerais. The period analyzed comprises the years from 1965 to 1976, from the signature of the Agreement 512-11-610-042 beteween the Ministry of Education and Culture (MEC) and the American Agency for International Development (USAID), which started a series of other agreements, and actions ending up with the creation of the Expansion and Improvement of High Schools Program (Programa de Expansão e Melhoria do Ensino Médio - PREMEM) and, from this, the Vocational Schools. The upper limit of the study, 1976, was the year when these agreements, known as MEC/USAID agreements ceased. The Vocational Schools were characterized as vocation probing schools, directing the professional formation of the population in general, which would happen a posteriori, turning it shorter and more effective, since the labor market would demand, urgently, capable professionals for an expanding economy. The project of Vocational Schools had a national scope, and foresaw, for its unfolding, the complete substitution of State Schools for the new model, called “multi-curricula”. The theme Vocational schools was the object of my Master’s degree study, when I focused the State School Guiomar de Freitas Costa, in Uberlândia. That study raised questionings and concerns that resulted in the central problem of the thesis presented here: understanding the measure in which such schools integrated the country’s development project – mostly in the first half of the military rule – and to understand its structure, functionality and efficacyThe development of the study presented here, demanded the use of several sources: 1) specialized literature about the topics presented, i.e., the situation of national education in a temporal analysis, the political, economical and social context, research methodologies, the theory of human capital, vocational teaching, pedagogical trends and practices, agreements MEC-USAID and PREMEM; 2) national, state and county laws related to the discussion: laws of national education directives and basis, decrees and reports stating about the program of technical cooperation between Brazil and the United States of America, the Program of Expansion and Improvement of Teaching (PREMEM), formation of professors, establishment of Vocational Schools and educational planning; 3) documentation of school archives: books of minutes of Collegiate and of faculty and staff, registrar books with final scores, enrolment, visits of inspector, accounting books, punch clock records, student, professor and staff occurrences, inventory, class schedules, school year calendar, school rules, class reports, payment rolls, bills of sales, exchanged mail, personal documentation of professional personnel, documents of land acquisition, blueprints, manuals of PREMEM, didactic materials/resources used in classes, books available in the school library, structured evaluations for follow-up of school processes, pictures of events, texts prepared for special dates, and news from the official newspaper and, finally, 4) national and local press reports, especially from Folha de São Paulo, Correio de Araxá, Correio de Uberlândia and Lavoura e Comércio (Uberaba). The proposition of Vocational schools was conciliate theoretical and practical formation through an active education permeated by technological resources. The contact with knowledge and several practical activities under professional supervision, the student would identify the knowledge area that would interest him the most and his aptitude. This formation in primary school would make way for the vocation studies in high school, which became mandatory by the law 5.692/71, that reformed school education from the previous levels of elementary, middle high and high school. However, the multi-curricula proposal that would be spread to the other public schools in the country ended up succumbing to the model already established. From its ephemeral existence, maybe the Vocational Schools have not reached the more general goals in political, economic and social aspects; however, this study demonstrated that, for the people that, directly or indirectly, had contact with such schools, a legacy of vocational and quality teaching was made, so much so, that forty years after the end of that proposal, they are still remembered.
Resumo:
Können offene Gesellschaften, die über eine bestimmte Staatsideologie nicht verfügen, sondern unterschiedliche Interessen organisieren, Ziele für ein öffentliches Bildungssystem überhaupt begründen? Nachdem die fraglose Eingliederung des Bildungswesens in die Staatsverwaltung nicht mehr legitim erscheint und nachdem sich eine Organisation nach dem Demokratieprinzip als fragwürdig erwiesen hat, ist zunehmend von vertraglichen Regelungen auch im Bildungswesen die Rede, von Marktmechanismen oder korporativistischen Prinzipien. Privatisierung ist dafür das falsche Stichwort, es scheint eher um die vertragliche Organisation öffentlichen Handelns zu gehen. Die neuere bildungspolitische Entwicklung geht in diese Richtung: De-Institutionalisierung, Effizienzerwartung, Multikulturalität, Wahlfreiheit, Beteiligung. (DIPF/Orig.)
Resumo:
Der Beitrag wägt die Vor- und Nachteile des dualen Berufsbildungswesens in Deutschland gegen die sehr viel weniger geregelte Ausbildung in Großbritannien ab. Es werden die Interessen dargelegt, die Arbeitgeber daran hindern bzw. ermutigen; eine betriebsspezifische oder aber eine allgemein anwendbare Aus- oder Fortbildung anzubieten. Verglichen werden Muster einer Interventionspolitik und wirtschaftlicher Regulierung mit denen eines Prinzips des freien Marktes, beides in parlamentarischen Systemen. Der Vergleich der britischen und der deutschen Entwicklung zeigt die unterschiedlichen Voraussetzungen beider Gesellschaften, die auch einer Übertragung des dualen Berufsbildungssystems entgegenstehen. (DIPF/Orig.)
Resumo:
In der angelsächsischen analytischen Erziehungsphilosophie wurde ein Konzept allgemeiner Bildung (Liberal education) herausgearbeitet, das den Bildungsanspruch in wissenstheoretischem Rekurs argumentativ zu legitimieren und zu begründen versucht. Dabei geht sie von einem differenzierten Erfahrungs- und Wissensfeld aus, das an öffentliche Standards der Verständigung gebunden ist. Diese Theorie wird an zwei ausgewählten Beispielen geprüft: Einerseits an den US-amerikanischen Debatten um die „cultural literacy" und andererseits an den Auseinandersetzungen um die Einführung des „National Curriculum" in England und Wales. Abschließend wird der Zusammenhang einer wissenstheoretisch fundierten Theorie der Liberal education mit bestimmten politischen Optionen diskutiert. Dabei wird sich zeigen, daß hinsichtlich politischer Zuordnungen dieser Theorie keine systematische Notwendigkeit besteht, und daß das Konzept einer integrierenden Allgemeinbildung in demokratischen, sozialen Staaten unverzichtbar und gleichzeitig nicht beliebig multikulturell ausrichtbar ist. (DIPF/Orig.)
Resumo:
In dem vorliegenden Beitrag werden neuere schulgesetzliche Initiativen erörtert, die u.a. eine Reform des Übertritts aus der Grundschule an weiterführende Schulen beabsichtigen. Diese Bemühungen ordnen sich in die schon lange zu beobachtende Tendenz zur Stärkung der individuellen Rechte von Schülern und Eltern ein, wie sie mit dem Prozeß der Verrechtlichung der Schule in der Bundesrepublik verbunden ist. Eine genauere Betrachtung der entsprechenden Regelungen und einiger dadurch ausgelöster gerichtlicher Konflikte weckt allerdings Zweifel an Voraussetzungen und insbesondere an Ergebnissen der eingeleiteten Politik: Handelt es sich nicht doch um eine versteckte Form der staatlichen Steuerung der Schulwahl? (DIPF/Orig.)
Resumo:
This thesis examines digital technologies policies designed for Australian schools and the ways they are understood and interpreted by students, school staff, teachers, principals and policy writers. This study explores the ways these research participant groups interpret and understand the ‘ethical dimension’ of schools’ digital technologies policies for teaching and learning. In this thesis the ethical dimension is considered to be a dynamic concept which encompasses various elements including; decisions, actions, values, issues, debates, education, discourses, and notions of right and wrong, in relation to ethics and uses of digital technologies in schools. In this study policy is taken to mean not only written texts but discursive processes, policy documents including national declarations, strategic plans and ‘acceptable use’ policies to guide the use of digital technologies in schools. The research is situated in the context of changes that have occurred in Australia and internationally over the last decade that have seen a greater focus on the access to and use of digital technologies in schools. In Australian school education, the attention placed on digital technologies in schools has seen the release of policies at the national, state, territory, education office and school levels, to guide their use. Prominent among these policies has been the Digital Education Revolution policy, launched in 2007 and concluded in 2013. This research aims to answers the question: What does an investigation reveal about understandings of the ethical dimension of digital technologies policies and their implementation in school education? The objective of this research is to examine the ethical dimension of digital technologies policies and to interpret and understand the responses of the research participants to the issues, silences, discourses and language, which characterise this dimension. In doing so, it is intended that the research can allow the participants to have a voice that, may be different to the official discourses located in digital technologies policies. The thesis takes a critical and interpretative approach to policies and examines the role of digital technologies policies as discourse. Interpretative theory is utilised as it provides a conceptual lens from which to interpret different perspectives and the implications of these in the construction of meaning in relation to schools’ digital technologies policies. Critical theory is used in tandem with interpretative theory as it represents a conceptual basis from which to critique and question underlying assumptions and discourses that are associated with the ethical dimension of schools’ digital technologies policies. The research methods used are semi-structured interviews and policy document analysis. Policies from the national, state, territory, education office and school level were analysed and contribute to understanding the way the ethical dimension of digital technologies policies is represented as a discourse. Students, school staff, teachers, principals and policy writers participated in research interviews and their views and perspectives were canvassed in relation to the ethical use of digital technologies and the policies that are designed to regulate their use. The thesis presents an argument that the ethical dimension of schools’ digital technologies policies and use is an under-researched area, and there are gaps in understanding and knowledge in the literature which remain to be addressed. It is envisaged that the thesis can make a meaningful contribution to understand the ways in which schools’ digital technologies policies are understood in school contexts. It is also envisaged that the findings from the research can inform policy development by analysing the voices and views of those in schools. The findings of the policy analysis revealed that there is little attention given to the ethical dimension in digital technologies at the national level. A discourse of compliance and control pervades digital technologies policies from the state, education office and school levels, which reduces ethical considerations to technical, legal and regulatory requirements. The discourse is largely instrumentalist and neglects the educative dimension of digital technologies which has the capacity to engender their ethical use. The findings from the interview conversations revealed that students, school staff and teachers perceive digital technologies policies to be difficult to understand, and not relevant to their situation and needs. They also expressed a desire to have greater consultation and participation in the formation and enactment of digital technologies policies, and they believe they are marginalised from these processes in their schools. Arising from the analysis of the policies and interview conversations, an argument is presented that in the light of the prominent role played by digital technologies and their potential for enhancing all aspects of school education, more research is required to provide a more holistic and richer understanding of the policies that are constructed to control and mediate their use.
Resumo:
This article examines regulatory governance of the post-initial training market in The Netherlands. From an historical perspective on policy formation processes, it examines market formation in terms of social, economic, and cultural factors in the development of provision and demand for post-initial training; the roles of stakeholders in the longterm construction of regulatory governance of the market; regulation of and public providers; policy responses to market failure; and tripartite division of responsibilities between the state, social partners, commercial and publicly-funded providers. Historical description and analysis examine policy narratives of key stakeholders with reference to: a) influence of societal stakeholders on regulatory decision-making; b) state regulation of the post-initial training market; c) public intervention regulating the market to prevent market failure; d) market deregulation, competition, employability and individual responsibility; and, e) regulatory governance to prevent ‘allocative failure’ by the market in non-delivery of post-initial training to specific target groups, particularly the low-qualified. Dominant policy narratives have resulted in limited state regulation of the supply-side, a tripartite system of regulatory governance by the state, social partners and commercial providers as regulatory actors. Current policy discourses address interventions on the demand-side to redistribute structures of opportunity throughout the life courses of individuals. Further empirical research from a comparative historical perspective is required to deepen contemporary understandings of regulatory governance of markets and the commodification of adult learning in knowledge societies and information economies. (DIPF/Orig.)
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This dissertation examines the ongoing European sovereign debt crises that began with Greece in 2009, in the wake of the US subprime mortgage crisis. Through the application of a historical materialist approach, I attempt to understand the on-going crisis in the European Monetary Union (EMU) by investigating root causes of sovereign debt crises, relations of power, and main beneficiaries of the policy responses. My theoretical framework hinges on three contradictions in capitalism: the tendency towards overaccumulation, the tension between fictitious capital and the productive base, and the contradiction inherent in capitalist states between their role as a national state and as a class state. In contrast to the dominant positions that locate the cause of the crisis within either: debtor states; creditor states; or the framework at the EMU, I argue that these sovereign debt crises are actually a broader crisis of crisis of capitalism within the EMU itself. In order to do so, I trace the evolution of the political economy of the Eurozone in the post-Bretton woods era, with a particularly focus on the credit system. More specifically, I argue that these crises are the result of an interaction between three meso-level contradictions that have developed within the EMU region: 1) Germany’s postwar accumulation regime, which has produced a deep crisis of overaccumulation; 2) the contradictory processes associated with the neoliberal logic of the EMU, by which I mean the rush to lower barriers to credit and finance at the expense of all else; and 3) credit-fueled, consumption-based EMU integration in the periphery; and. These three contradictions came together in the wake of the 2007-2008 US subprime crisis to form an overall crisis of capitalism in the Eurozone, expressed, as I suggest, as a crisis of fictitious capital. This dissertation aims to contribute to the ongoing project among critical political economists to de-naturalize and re-politicize money, while challenging the hegemony of monetarism within neoliberalism. Second, there has yet to be a comprehensive study that examines the EMU, Germany, and the crises in the periphery from a holistic, historical materialist analysis.
Resumo:
Análisis evaluativo de diversos enfoques geográficos sobre el espacio, su revelación con el Estado, entendido en su binomio poder y dominación. Se revisa la concepción de un poder unidimensional y la producción de espacio; así como las versiones del poder multidimensional, consumo del espacio y territorialidad. La concepción del espacio como producto-reflejo de la sociedad, se critica a la luz de concepción materialista del espacio. A nivel histórico, se estudian las estrategias y conflictos resultantes de la conformación de nuevos territorios y las limitaciones de acción del Estado frente a las decisiones locacionales de las grandes corporaciones multinacionales. Se fortalecen segmentos del Estado nacional, pero, a la vez, este pierde poder de decisiones ante las fuerzas internacionales y, principalmente frente a los problemas y tenciones internas. La autora sugiere diversos temas de investigación necesarios de cubrir urgentemente, tales como la relación territorio y espacio; naturaleza de los movimientos sociales de la base territorial; naturaleza del Estado contemporáneo y las relaciones ante los planes económicos y políticos y, finalmente, los limites de intervención del Estado y los problemas de legitimidad del poder. SUMMARY This is evaluative analysis of different geographic focuses concerning space-state relationships, taking into account a power and domination binomial. The concept of a unidimensional power and space production is revised; as well as versions of multidimensional power, space consumption, and territorial relationships. The space concept is taken into account as a product-reflection of society and criticized from the viewpoint of a materialistic viewpoint, strategies and conflicts are studied as the results of the confirmation of the new territories the large multinational corporations. Segments of the national state are stringency but, at the same time, the state loses its decision making powers in reference to international forces and principally in reference to problems and internal tensions. The author suggests several necessary and urgent investigative themes, such as territorial and space relationships, the nature of the social movements encountered in the territorial base, the nature of the contemporary state and of the its relationships in accordance with economic and political plants and finally, the intervention limits of the state and the problems of power legitimacy RESUME A partir d’une vision géographique, on présente et analyse les thèmes suivants: l’espace, la relation celui-ci avec l’Etat, entendu comme un bionome pouvoir et domination. On revise les concepts de pouvoir unidimensionnel et de production d’espace; de pouvoir multidimensionnel, consommation et territoriale. Le concept d’espace comme produit-réflexe de la société, est critiqué en se basant sur la conception matérialiste de l’espace. Au niveau historique, on étudie les stratégies et les conflicts qui résultent de la conformation de nouveaux territoires. On étudie aussi les limitations de l’action de l’Etat en face des décisions d’ubiquation des grandes corporations multinationales. En même temps que se fortifié certaines parties de l’Etat national, il y a une diminution de son pouvoir de décision devant des forces internationales et surtout en face de problèmes et de tensions internes.L’auteur suggère plusieurs thèmes d’investigation urgents, comme : la relation entre territoire et espace; nature des mouvements sociaux à base territoriale; nature de l’Etat contemporain et ses relations avec les plan économiques et politiques et enfin : les limites de l’intervention de l’Etat et les problèmes de légitimité du pouvoir.
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Under the Alien Tort Statute United States of America (“America”) Federal Courts have the jurisdiction to hear claims for civil wrongs, committed against non-American citizens, which were perpetrated outside America’s national borders. The operation of this law has confronted American Federal Courts with difficulties on how to manage conflicts between American executive foreign policy and judicial interpretations of international law. Courts began to pass judgment over conduct which was approved by foreign governments. Then in 2005 the American Supreme Court wound back the scope of the Alien Tort Statute. This article will review the problems with the expansion of the Alien Tort Statute and the reasons for its subsequent narrowing.
Resumo:
The neXus2 research project has sought to investigate the library and information services (LIS) workforce in Australia, from the institutional or employer perspective. The study builds on the neXus1 study, which collected data from individuals in the LIS workforce in order to present a snapshot of the profession in 2006, highlighting the demographics, educational background and career details of library and information professionals in Australia. To counterbalance this individual perspective, library institutions were invited to participate in a survey to contribute further data as employers. This final report on the neXus2 project compares the findings from the different library sectors, ie academic libraries, TAFE libraries, the National and State libraries, public libraries, special libraries and school libraries.
Resumo:
This article examines the relationship between the arts and national innovation policy in Australia, pivoting around the Venturous Australia report released in September 2008 as part of the Review of the National Innovation System (RNIS). This came at a time of optimism that the arts sector would be included in Australia’s federal innovation policy. However, despite the report’s broad vision for innovation and specific commentary on the arts, the more ambitious hopes of arts sector advocates remained unfulfilled. This article examines the entwining discourses of creativity and innovation which emerged globally and in Australia prior to the RNIS, before analysing Venturous Australia in terms of the arts and the ongoing science-and-technology bias to innovation policy. It ends by considering why sector-led policy research and lobbying has to date proved unsuccessful and then suggests what public policy development is now needed.
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In this chapter, we are particularly concerned with making visible the general principles underlying the transmission of Social Studies curriculum knowledge, and considering it in light of a high-stakes mandated national assessment task. Specifically, we draw on Bernstein’s theoretical concept of pedagogic models as a tool for analysing orientations to teaching and learning. We introduce a case in point from the Australian context: one state Social Studies curriculum vis-a-vis one part of the Year Three national assessment measure for reading. We use our findings to consider the implications for the disciplinary knowledge of Social Studies in the communities in which we are undertaking our respective Australian Research Council Linkage project work (Glasswell et al.; Woods et al.). We propose that Social Studies disciplinary knowledge is being constituted, in part, through power struggles between different agencies responsible for the production and relay of official forms of state curriculum and national literacy assessment. This is particularly the case when assessment instruments are used to compare and contrast school results in highly visible web based league tables (see, for example, http://myschoolaustralia.ning.com/).
Resumo:
Tony Fitzgerald’s visionary leap was to see beyond localised, individual wrongdoing. He suggested remedies that were systemic, institutionalised, and directed at underlying structural problems that led to corruption. His report said ‘the problems with which this Inquiry is concerned are not merely associated with individuals, but are institutionalized and related to attitudes which have become entrenched’ (Fitzgerald Report 1989, 13). His response was to suggest an enmeshed system of measures to not only respond reactively to future corruption, but also to prevent its recurrence through improved integrity systems. In the two decades since that report the primary focus of corruption studies and anti-corruption activism has remained on corruption at the local level or within sovereign states. International activism was largely directed at co-ordinating national campaigns and to use international instruments to make these campaigns more effective domestically. This reflects the broader fact that, since the rise of the nation state, states have comprised the majority of the largest institutional actors and have been the most significant institution in the lives of most individuals. This made states the ‘main game in town’ for the ‘governance disciplines’ of ethics, law, political science and economics.
Resumo:
This paper examines the use of Twitter for long-term discussions around Australian politics, at national and state levels, tracking two hashtags during 2012: #auspol, denoting national political topics, and #wapol, which provides a case study of state politics (representing Western Australia). The long-term data collection provides the opportunity to analyse how the Twitter audience responds to Australian politics: which themes attract the most attention and which accounts act as focal points for these discussions. The paper highlights differences in the coverage of state and national politics. For #auspol, a small number of accounts are responsible for the majority of tweets, with politicians invoked but not directly contributing to the discussion. In contrast, #wapol stimulates a much lower level of tweeting. This example also demonstrates that, in addition to citizen accounts, traditional participants within political debate, such as politicians and journalists, are among the active contributors to state-oriented discussions on Twitter.