232 resultados para NBC Olympics


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O mercado imobiliário brasileiro está passando pelo maior boom que já ocorreu no mundo que, por sua vez, envolve uma complexa interação entre os agentes de oferta e de demanda. Os principais fatores que têm impactado a demanda por imóveis no período recente são o aumento da renda média e a expansão do mercado de crédito. Pelo lado da oferta, é a escassez de terrenos edificáveis, dificultada, ainda, pela legislação de proteção ao meio ambiente, justificando o alto déficit habitacional. O resultado dos três fatores que, juntos, pressionam a demanda para cima e a oferta para baixo, acarreta no aumento dos preços dos imóveis residenciais em todo o país. No caso específico do Rio de Janeiro, levam-se em conta as externalidades positivas geradas pelo aumento dos investimentos em infraestrutura para a realização da Copa do Mundo de 2014 e dos Jogos Olímpicos de 2016, incluindo a redução da violência em determinadas áreas com a implantação das Unidades de Polícia Pacificadora (UPPs).

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在植物中大多数功能基因是以基因家族的形式存在的,而基因重复则是基因家族的一种重要的进化方式。很多基因往往是由重复事件产生形成不同的拷贝,进而分化形成基因家族。谷胱甘肽转移酶(GSTs)是一类古老、庞大、行使解毒、抗逆、信号转导等多种功能的一个基因家族。本研究以栽培水稻(Oryza sativa ssp. japonica c.v. Nipponbare)为研究材料,以栽培水稻的Phi类GST的5个基因(OsGSTF3、OsGSTF6、OsGSTF14、OsGSTF15、OsGSTF16)为研究对象,分析了它们的系统发生和起源历史、不同组织的差异性表达、编码蛋白质的功能差异等问题,探讨了基因重复后5个基因的功能变化,主要结果如下: 1. OsGSTF3、OsGSTF14、OsGSTF15、OsGSTF16由串联重复产生,而OsGSTF6则由DNA转座产生;它们起源时间早在稻属(Oryza)分化之前。 2. 对水稻不同部位组织的RT-PCR结果表明这5个基因在水稻中的特异性表达组织部位有较大差异:OsGSTF3基因在叶、叶鞘、茎、根4个部位均有大量表达;OsGSTF6基因仅在叶中有表达;OsGSTF14基因在叶鞘、茎2个部位中有表达;OsGSTF15基因在茎、根2个部位中有表达;OsGSTF16则在叶、茎、根3个部位中有表达。 3. 将这5个基因连接原核表达载体PET30a并转化大肠杆菌BL21(DE3),获得了高表达菌株。将表达菌株进行大量表达,表达形式分析显示OsGSTF3蛋白是可溶性表达,而其余4个蛋白以包涵体的形式表达。通过亲和层析获得了纯化的OsGSTF3融合蛋白,OsGSTF3融合蛋白对底物CDNB和NBD-Cl具有高活性,酶动力学分析显示OsGSTF3融合蛋白对GSH与NBD-Cl有较高的亲和力,热力学分析显示该蛋白在40℃以下是热稳定的。通过对包涵体进行洗涤、亲和层析获得了纯化的OsGSTF6、OsGSTF14、OsGSTF15、OsGSTF16的融合蛋白,OsGSTF14融合蛋白对NBD-Cl有微弱活性,OsGSTF15融合蛋白对NBC有较高的活性,而没有检测到OsGSTF6与OsGSTF16融合蛋白的活性。

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This article presents a novel algorithm for learning parameters in statistical dialogue systems which are modeled as Partially Observable Markov Decision Processes (POMDPs). The three main components of a POMDP dialogue manager are a dialogue model representing dialogue state information; a policy that selects the system's responses based on the inferred state; and a reward function that specifies the desired behavior of the system. Ideally both the model parameters and the policy would be designed to maximize the cumulative reward. However, while there are many techniques available for learning the optimal policy, no good ways of learning the optimal model parameters that scale to real-world dialogue systems have been found yet. The presented algorithm, called the Natural Actor and Belief Critic (NABC), is a policy gradient method that offers a solution to this problem. Based on observed rewards, the algorithm estimates the natural gradient of the expected cumulative reward. The resulting gradient is then used to adapt both the prior distribution of the dialogue model parameters and the policy parameters. In addition, the article presents a variant of the NABC algorithm, called the Natural Belief Critic (NBC), which assumes that the policy is fixed and only the model parameters need to be estimated. The algorithms are evaluated on a spoken dialogue system in the tourist information domain. The experiments show that model parameters estimated to maximize the expected cumulative reward result in significantly improved performance compared to the baseline hand-crafted model parameters. The algorithms are also compared to optimization techniques using plain gradients and state-of-the-art random search algorithms. In all cases, the algorithms based on the natural gradient work significantly better. © 2011 ACM.

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The 1989 AI Lab Winter Olympics will take a slightly different twist from previous Olympiads. Although there will still be a dozen or so athletic competitions, the annual talent show finale will now be a display not of human talent, but of robot talent. Spurred on by the question, "Why aren't there more robots running around the AI Lab?", Olympic Robot Building is an attempt to teach everyone how to build a robot and get them started. Robot kits will be given out the last week of classes before the Christmas break and teams have until the Robot Talent Show, January 27th, to build a machine that intelligently connects perception to action. There is no constraint on what can be built; participants are free to pick their own problems and solution implementations. As Olympic Robot Building is purposefully a talent show, there is no particular obstacle course to be traversed or specific feat to be demonstrated. The hope is that this format will promote creativity, freedom and imagination. This manual provides a guide to overcoming all the practical problems in building things. What follows are tutorials on the components supplied in the kits: a microprocessor circuit "brain", a variety of sensors and motors, a mechanical building block system, a complete software development environment, some example robots and a few tips on debugging and prototyping. Parts given out in the kits can be used, ignored or supplemented, as the kits are designed primarily to overcome the intertia of getting started. If all goes well, then come February, there should be all kinds of new members running around the AI Lab!

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This year, as the finale to the Artificial Intelligence Laboratory's annual Winter Olympics, the Lab staged an AI Fair ??night devoted to displaying the wide variety of talents and interests within the laboratory. The Fair provided an outlet for creativity and fun in a carnival-like atmosphere. Students organized events from robot boat races to face-recognition vision contests. Research groups came together to make posters and booths explaining their work. The robots rolled down out of the labs, networks were turned over to aerial combat computer games and walls were decorated with posters of zany ideas for the future. Everyone pitched in, and this photograph album is a pictorial account of the fun that night at the AI Fair.

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Adequate hand-washing has been shown to be a critical activity in preventing the transmission of infections such as MRSA in health-care environments. Hand-washing guidelines published by various health-care related institutions recommend a technique incorporating six hand-washing poses that ensure all areas of the hands are thoroughly cleaned. In this paper, an embedded wireless vision system (VAMP) capable of accurately monitoring hand-washing quality is presented. The VAMP system hardware consists of a low resolution CMOS image sensor and FPGA processor which are integrated with a microcontroller and ZigBee standard wireless transceiver to create a wireless sensor network (WSN) based vision system that can be retargeted at a variety of health care applications. The device captures and processes images locally in real-time, determines if hand-washing procedures have been correctly undertaken and then passes the resulting high-level data over a low-bandwidth wireless link. The paper outlines the hardware and software mechanisms of the VAMP system and illustrates that it offers an easy to integrate sensor solution to adequately monitor and improve hand hygiene quality. Future work to develop a miniaturized, low cost system capable of being integrated into everyday products is also discussed.

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In 1937 Lisa Sergio, "The Golden Voice" of fascist broadcasting from Rome, fled Italy for the United States. Though her mother was American, Sergio was classified as an enemy alien once the United States entered World War II. Yet Sergio became a U.S. citizen in 1944 and built a successful career in radio, working first at NBC and then WQXR in New York City in the days when women's voices were not thought to be appropriate for news or "serious" programming. When she was blacklisted as a communist in the early 1950s, Sergio compensated for the loss of radio employment by becoming principally an author and lecturer in Washington, D.C., until her death in 1989. This dissertation, based on her personal papers, is the first study of Sergio's American mass communication career. It points out the personal, political and social obstacles she faced as a woman in her 52-year career as a commentator on varied aspects of world affairs, religion and feminism. This study includes an examination of the FBI investigations of Sergio and the anti-communist campaigns conducted against her. It concludes that Sergio's success as a public communicator was predicated on both her unusual talents and her ability to transform her public image to reflect ideal American values of womanhood in shifting political climates.

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Urban spectacles such as the Olympic Games have been long perceived as being able to impose desired effects in the city that act as host. This kind of urban boost may include the creation of new jobs and revenue for local community, growth in tourism and convention business, improvements to city infrastructure and environment, and the stimulation of broad reform in the social, political and institutional realm. Nevertheless at the other end of the debate, the potentially detrimental impacts of Olympic urban development, particularly on disadvantaged and vulnerable groups, have also been increasingly noticed in recent years and subsequently cited by a number of high profile anti-Olympic groups to campaign against Olympic bids and awards. The common areas of concern over Olympic-related projects include the cost and debts risk, environmental threat, the occurrence of social imbalance, and disruption and disturbance of existing community life. Among these issues, displacement of low income households and squatter communities resulting from Olympic-inspired urban renewal are comparatively under-explored and have emerged as an imperative area for research inquiry. This is particularly the case where many other problems have become less prominent. Changing a city’s demographic landscape, particularly displacing lower income people from the area proposed for a profitable development is a highly contentious matter in its own right. Some see it as a natural and inevitable outgrowth of the process of urban evolution, without which cities cannot move towards a more attractive location for consumption-based business. Others believe it reflects urban crises and conflicts, highlighting the market failures, polarization and injustice. Regardless of perception,these phenomena are visible everywhere in post-industrial cities and particularly cannot be ignored when planning for the Olympic Games and other mega-events. The aim of this paper is to start the process of placing the displacement issue in the context of Olympic preparation and to seek a better understanding of their interrelations. In order to develop a better understanding of this issue in terms of cause, process, influential factors and its implication on planning policy, this paper studies the topic from both theoretic and empirical angles. It portrays various situations where the Olympics may trigger or facilitate displacement in host cities during the preparation of the Games, identifies several major variables that may affect the process and the overall outcome, and explores what could be learnt in generic terms for planning Olympic oriented infrastructure so that ill-effects to the local community can be effectively controlled. The paper concludes that the selection of development sites, the integration of Olympic facilities with the city’s fabric, the diversity of housing type produced for local residents and the dynamics of the new socioeconomic structure.

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Major sporting events such as the Olympics are usually assessed in terms of economic impacts. Recently, policy makers have begun to place greater emphasis on possible intangible effects (such as civic pride, legacy of sporting facilities) associated with such events. To date, little work has been carried out on quantifying these effects in a meaningful way. This study uses contingent valuation methodology to assess the value of the proposed 2012 London Olympic Games. The survey is carried out on the provincial city of Bath, approximately 2 hours west of London. Conducting the survey outside of London is justified on the basis that the organizers of London 2012 have emphasized the value of the event to the United Kingdom as a whole. The results suggest that positive intangible effects are associated with the event and residents outside of London are willing to pay toward funding.

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The International Olympic Committee (IOC) declares environmental protection to be the third dimension of the Olympic movement. That, in effect, means that nations wishing to host the Games have to present themselves as reliable practitioners of environmental sustainability (ES) in their applications. The greening of sports mega-events, and the hosting of Olympic Games in particular, is now reasonably well established. Yet evidence from the first decade of environmentally-conscious Olympics points to diverging patterns of achievement in the operationalisation of the IOC’s ‘third pillar’. As is now common knowledge, for example, Sydney 2000 was the first ‘Green Olympics’ in the history of the Games; yet four years later, Athens provided a stark contrast, and was the subject of highly critical assessment reports by environmental organisations. Yet Athens has not stopped the Bid Committee for the Beijing 2008 Games claiming that it would ‘leave the greatest Olympic Games environmental legacy ever’ (UNEP 2007: 26), while the London 2012 promotes the concept of the ‘One Planet Olympics’.

In this context and in light of the current global economic crisis, can we claim that London 2012 has the capacity to fulfil its environmental ambitions? This question is adopted in continuity with similar framed questions that have been posed in relation to the most recent Olympics and it is tackled by adopting an investigative model that is placed within discourses of ‘reflexive modernisation’.

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The environmental quality of land can be assessed by calculating relevant threshold values, which differentiate between concentrations of elements resulting from geogenic and diffuse anthropogenic sources and concentrations generated by point sources of elements. A simple process allowing the calculation of these typical threshold values (TTVs) was applied across a region of highly complex geology (Northern Ireland) to six elements of interest; arsenic, chromium, copper, lead, nickel and vanadium. Three methods for identifying domains (areas where a readily identifiable factor can be shown to control the concentration of an element) were used: k-means cluster analysis, boxplots and empirical cumulative distribution functions (ECDF). The ECDF method was most efficient at determining areas of both elevated and reduced concentrations and was used to identify domains in this investigation. Two statistical methods for calculating normal background concentrations (NBCs) and upper limits of geochemical baseline variation (ULBLs), currently used in conjunction with legislative regimes in the UK and Finland respectively, were applied within each domain. The NBC methodology was constructed to run within a specific legislative framework, and its use on this soil geochemical data set was influenced by the presence of skewed distributions and outliers. In contrast, the ULBL methodology was found to calculate more appropriate TTVs that were generally more conservative than the NBCs. TTVs indicate what a "typical" concentration of an element would be within a defined geographical area and should be considered alongside the risk that each of the elements pose in these areas to determine potential risk to receptors.

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A dramatic monologue. Commissioned by the Legacy Trust UK, as part of their mission to create a cultural legacy for the Olympics 2012. It was a collaboration with composer Christopher Norby.

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Sport Mega-event hosting faces opposition that is manifested with different intensity during the different phases of the event, from its inception as an idea to its delivery and legacy. Some Social Movements Organisations (SMOs) have acted as indefatigable monitors of the Sustainable Development (SD) dimension of sporting events in general and, in some of the most recent sport mega-events, in particular the Olympics, they have served as important advisors and facilitators. Nevertheless, in many cases we see enthusiastic supporters turning to vehemently challenging whatever positives have been associated with hosting the event. In addition, there is opposition to sport Mega-events in their entirety. That type of opposition tends to employ a holistic prism that manages to identify multiple interconnected negative aspects of hosting a sport mega-event and incorporate them into an anti-systemic discourse. It is important to bear in mind that irrespective of many proclamations to the opposite as far as megas are concerned (projects and/or events), a number of studies have demonstrated that citizen participation and democratic accountability in decision-making have been notoriously absent. After all, the idea of citizen participation in the planning of sport mega-event is essentially the public response to a plan conceived by others. There were, of course, some notable cases of democratic consultation at the early stages of bidding to host a sport mega-event but these more democratic approaches resulted in the failure of the bid (for e.g. Toronto 1996). The knowledge of this by the groups that initiated the hosting idea and the bidding process has led to discouraging in depth public consultation that may fit perfectly to the democratic process but not to the tight schedules of associated projects completion. That produces ‘autocracy against which opposition may arise’ (Hiller, 2000, p. 198). It is this democratic deficit that has led to important instances of social contestation and protest mobilizations by citizen groups as well as the more regular corps of social activists. From a perspective borrowed from the sociology of protest and social movements, sport mega-events hosting can operate as an issue that stimulates protest activities by an existing protest milieu and new actors as well as an important mobilizing resource. In fact, some scholars have also argued that the Olympic Games were an important frame for the transnational activism that was marked by anti-globalization protest in Seattle in 1999 (Cottrell & Nelson, 201; Lenskyj, 2008). In addition, it’s important not to lose sight of other acts dissent that take place in relatively close proximity, about a year before the event when most infrastructural and societal changes brought by hosting the event and impact start to become apparent by the host communities, like the rioting of August 2011 in the London Olympic Boroughs and the 2012 riots of June 2013 in Sao Paulo and other Brazilian cities. This paper starts by outlining the SD claims made in the bidding to host the summer Olympic Games by five prospective hosts (Sydney; Athens; Beijing; London and Rio) proceeds towards examining the opposition and challenges that was manifested in relation to these claims. In Particular it provides an assessment of protest-events over the aforementioned different phases of sport mega-events hosting. A different picture emerges for each of the host nation that is partly explained by local, national and global configuration of protest politics. Whereas the post-event legacy of the first two hosts of the Games can be assessed and that way see the validity of claims made by challengers in the other phases, in the other three cases, the implementation of Olympic Games Impact (OGI) studies offers the tool for discussing the post-event phase for Beijing and London and engage in a speculative exercise for the case of Rio. Judging by available findings, the paper concludes that the SD aspiration made in the bid documents are unlikely to be met and social contestation based on the same issues is likely to increase due to the current global economic crisis and BRICS, like China and Brazil, having entered the process of becoming global economic hegemons.

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A Fe-8.46%Mn-0.24%Nb-0.038%C (wt.%) manganese steel was investigated. The steel has a 100% bcc structure after heat treatment at 850°C for 1.5 h, water quenching or air cooling. Martensite interlocked microstructure consisting of fine martensite plates/needles with different spatial orientations was found. Austenite forms, in small amounts, after a 600°C reheating treatment. Scanning electron microscopy images and energy dispersive spectrometry of the fracture surfaces revealed both ductile and brittle types of failure and precipitates. Deep quenching after the heat treatments does not change the phase composition or the hardness. NbC is formed in the steel, in high number densities. It plays a role in the impact fracture process, by acting as void nucleation sites, facilitating ductile fracture with dimples appearing on the fracture surface.