871 resultados para Municipal officials and employees


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The thrust of the argument presented in this chapter is that inter-municipal cooperation (IMC) in the United Kingdom reflects local government's constitutional position and its exposure to the exigencies of Westminster (elected central government) and Whitehall (centre of the professional civil service that services central government). For the most part councils are without general powers of competence and are restricted in what they can do by Parliament. This suggests that the capacity for locally driven IMC is restricted and operates principally within a framework constructed by central government's policy objectives and legislation and the political expediencies of the governing political party. In practice, however, recent examples of IMC demonstrate that the practices are more complex than this initial analysis suggests. Central government may exert top-down pressures and impose hierarchical directives, but there are important countervailing forces. Constitutional changes in Scotland and Wales have shifted the locus of central- local relations away from Westminster and Whitehall. In England, the seeding of English government regional offices in 1994 has evolved into an important structural arrangement that encourages councils to work together. Within the local government community there is now widespread acknowledgement that to achieve the ambitious targets set by central government, councils are, by necessity, bound to cooperate and work with other agencies. In recent years, the fragmentation of public service delivery has affected the scope of IMC. Elected local government in the UK is now only one piece of a complex jigsaw of agencies that provides services to the public; whether it is with non-elected bodies, such as health authorities, public protection authorities (police and fire), voluntary nonprofit organisations or for-profit bodies, councils are expected to cooperate widely with agencies in their localities. Indeed, for projects such as regeneration and community renewal, councils may act as the coordinating agency but the success of such projects is measured by collaboration and partnership working (Davies 2002). To place these developments in context, IMC is an example of how, in spite of the fragmentation of traditional forms of government, councils work with other public service agencies and other councils through the medium of interagency partnerships, collaboration between organisations and a mixed economy of service providers. Such an analysis suggests that, following changes to the system of local government, contemporary forms of IMC are less dependent on vertical arrangements (top-down direction from central government) as they are replaced by horizontal modes (expansion of networks and partnership arrangements). Evidence suggests, however that central government continues to steer local authorities through the agency of inspectorates and regulatory bodies, and through policy initiatives, such as local strategic partnerships and local area agreements (Kelly 2006), thus questioning whether, in the case of UK local government, the shift from hierarchy to network and market solutions is less differentiated and transformation less complete than some literature suggests. Vertical or horizontal pressures may promote IMC, yet similar drivers may deter collaboration between local authorities. An example of negative vertical pressure was central government's change of the systems of local taxation during the 1980s. The new taxation regime replaced a tax on property with a tax on individual residency. Although the community charge lasted only a few years, it was a highpoint of the then Conservative government policy that encouraged councils to compete with each other on the basis of the level of local taxation. In practice, however, the complexity of local government funding in the UK rendered worthless any meaningful ambition of councils competing with each other, especially as central government granting to local authorities is predicated (however imperfectly) on at least notional equalisation between those areas with lower tax yields and the more prosperous locations. Horizontal pressures comprise factors such as planning decisions. Over the last quarter century, councils have competed on the granting of permission to out-of-town retail and leisure complexes, now recognised as detrimental to neighbouring authorities because economic forces prevail and local, independent shops are unable to compete with multiple companies. These examples illustrate tensions at the core of the UK polity of whether IMC is feasible when competition between local authorities heightened by local differences reduces opportunities for collaboration. An alternative perspective on IMC is to explore whether specific purposes or functions promote or restrict it. Whether in the principle areas of local government responsibilities relating to social welfare, development and maintenance of the local infrastructure or environmental matters, there are examples of IMC. But opportunities have diminished considerably as councils lost responsibility for services provision as a result of privatisation and transfer of powers to new government agencies or to central government. Over the last twenty years councils have lost their role in the provision of further-or higher-education, public transport and water/sewage. Councils have commissioning power but only a limited presence in providing housing needs, social care and waste management. In other words, as a result of central government policy, there are, in practice, currently far fewer opportunities for councils to cooperate. Since 1997, the New Labour government has promoted IMC through vertical drivers and the development; the operation of these policy initiatives is discussed following the framework of the editors. Current examples of IMC are notable for being driven by higher tiers of government, working with subordinate authorities in principal-agent relations. Collaboration between local authorities and intra-interand cross-sectoral partnerships are initiated by central government. In other words, IMC is shaped by hierarchical drivers from higher levels of government but, in practice, is locally varied and determined less by formula than by necessity and function. © 2007 Springer.

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This study investigated the role of differences in age, organizational tenure and gender between manager and employee as potential moderators between employees' leader-member exchanges (LMX) and related work outcomes. The results support the interaction effect of manager-employee organizational tenure difference with LMX and outcome variables. Employees with a high organizational tenure difference from the manager reported the worst work outcomes when they perceived LMX was of low quality, whereas when the quality of LMX was high, they reported the highest work attitudes and well-being.

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Since 2007, Ontario Regulation 608/06 now provides all municipalities with the authority to establish a development permit system (DPS); however, much of this regulatory power and its functions are largely misunderstood by both professionals and the general public, which has led to a lack of widespread municipal implementation. One main contributor to the uncertainty is the lack of academic literature. Currently, the most comprehensive document has been produced by the Ministry of Municipal Affairs and Housing (MMAH), Development Permit System: A Handbook for Municipal Implementation. The study’s key objective is to identify, analyze, and evaluate the MMAH Handbook in order to effectively provide an updated set of recommendations within the context of Ontario.

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The use of the ‘commission-accession’ principle as a mechanism for sustainable collecting in public museums and galleries has been significantly under-researched, only recently soliciting attention from national funding bodies in the United Kingdom (UK). This research has assessed an unfolding situation and provided a body of current evaluative evidence for commission-based acquisitions and a model for curators to use in future contemporary art purchases. ‘Commission-accession’ is a practice increasingly used by European and American museums yet has seen little uptake in the UK. Very recent examples demonstrate that new works produced via commissioning which then enter permanent collections, have significant financial and audience benefits that UK museums could harness, by drawing on the expertise of local and national commissioning organisations. Very little evaluative information is available on inter-institutional precedents in the United States (US) or ‘achat par commande’ in France. Neither is there yet literature that investigates the ambition for and viability of such models in the UK. This thesis addresses both of these areas, and provides evaluative case studies that will be of particular value to curators who seek sustainable ways to build their contemporary art collections. It draws on a survey of 82 museums and galleries across the UK conducted for this research, which provide a picture of where and how ‘commission-accession’ has been applied, and demonstrates its impacts as a strategy. In addition interviews with artists and curators in the UK, US and France on the social, economic and cultural implications of ‘commission-accession’ processes were undertaken. These have shed new light on issues inherent to the commissioning of contemporary art such as communication, trust, and risk as well as drawing attention to the benefits and challenges involved in commissioning as of yet unmade works of art.

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Sports and recreation management is addressed here using a model that combines the policies and methodologies applied in the Costa Rican context as a result of a concern to identify the real needs in the sports, recreation, and health promotion fields through the different manifestations of human movement.  This approach has been developed during eight years of work in the Costa Rican Sports and Recreation Institute (Instituto Costarricense del Deporte y la Recreación-ICODER) together with different Costa Rican communities, both rural and urban, and local organizations, such as Comprehensive Development Community Associations, Sports and Recreation Community Boards (CCDR), Municipal Mayorships, and NGOs, among others.  This article particularly takes into consideration the experience of the CCDRs as entities that have been given the responsibility by the Costa Rican Government to promote and manage municipal sports and recreation services with a convenient offering that would meet the needs of users or customers.  In this way, this article is aimed at answering the question on how Boards should conduct an efficient management in a way that they also meet the needs of public users or customers in the municipalities of the country, by proposing a management model that serves as an additional instrument to improving the already existing services managed by the aforementioned entities.  This study presents a model of Costa Rican management structured with the theoretical elements that currently define the organization and planning of sports and recreation as a service.

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The South Carolina Retirement System Investment Commission publishes an annual plan for the investment objectives and mission of the Retirement System for the fiscal year.

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The South Carolina Retirement System Investment Commission publishes an annual plan for the investment objectives and mission of the Retirement System for the fiscal year.

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El presente trabajo de investigación aborda el tema del desarrollo regional en torno a una gran metrópoli como Bogotá y la Sabana de Bogotá. El crecimiento, expansión y relación con los municipios vecinos. Su entorno territorial; es un tema de discusión que cada día adquiere más fuerza desde hace varias décadas. Bogotá y la Sabana de Bogotá, se consideran en la actualidad como un caso representativo del caótico modelo de expansión urbana y crecimiento demográfico, enfrentado al desarrollo urbano como paradigma de la desigualdad de la ciudad latinoamericana. Son muchos los procesos y conflictos de naturaleza Regional y metropolitana que atraviesa la capital colombiana. Sin embargo esta investigación abordada el tema desde la necesidad de gobernanza y coordinación para el desarrollo territorial consensuado y equilibrado de la Región. La sabana de Bogotá está conformada por ciudades dormitorio, ciudades industriales, turísticas, agropecuarias, etc., es atravesada por el Río Bogotá, y en su centro la gran metrópoli, Bogotá D.C. centro de trabajo muy importante a nivel nacional, su área de influencia más próxima llega hasta: Caqueza, Zipaquira, Facatativa, Soacha, Fusagasuga y Girardot. Principales polos de desarrollo en la sabana y el departamento. Cundinamarca está compuesto por 15 provincias y Bogotá. Conformando un sistema de redes urbanas con necesidades comunes y demanda servicios públicos, de transporte, aseo, movilidad, salud, educación, espacio público y calidad ambiental. La metodología de esta investigación consiste en el análisis de la región a partir de la articulación de planes de ordenamiento territorial en un área de estudio propuesta. Mediante entrevistas con profesionales, expertos, funcionarios y empleados públicos y teniendo en cuenta las posibilidades legales en Colombia para el desarrollo territorial regional, establecer la situación real en materia de desarrollo para el departamento de Cundinamarca, evidenciando las necesidades del territorio y su desarrollo de una forma más compleja, valorando las sinergias y necesidades sociales, ambientales y económicas propias del crecimiento urbano, para proponer una serie de directrices que estructuren un desarrollo regional equilibrado en Bogotá y Cundinamarca. El análisis de los modelos del caso contribuye a fortalecer iniciativas para el desarrollo Regional de la Sabana de Bogotá como territorio sostenible: ambiental, económico y socialmente. En un sistema de redes que interconecte a Bogotá, con Cundinamarca, Colombia y el resto del mundo. Cundinamarca como región debe fijar estrategias y articular políticas en función de un modelo de desarrollo urbano regional para el departamento y la Sabana de Bogotá. Directrices departamentales básicas y fundamentales para el desarrollo territorial equilibrado que promueva ciudades sostenibles, compactas y con Calidad de vida para todos sus habitantes. ABSTRACT: This research addresses the issue of regional development around a big metropolis like Bogotá and Sabana de Bogota. The growth, expansion and relations with neighboring municipalities. Your local environment; It is an issue that becomes stronger every day for decades. Bogotá and Sabana de Bogotá, are considered today as a representative case of the chaotic model of urban expansion and population growth, urban development faced as a paradigm of inequality in Latin American city. Many processes and conflicts of Regional and metropolitan nature that crosses the Colombian capital. However this research addressed the issue from the need for governance and coordination for consensual and balanced territorial development of the region. The savannah of Bogota consists of bedroom communities, industrial cities, tourism, agriculture, etc., is crossed by the Bogota River, and at its center the great metropolis, Bogota DC center very important work at the national level, the area closest influence reaches: Caqueza, Zipaquira, Facatativa, Soacha, Fusagasuga and Girardot. Main centers of development in the savannah and the department. Cundinamarca is composed of 15 provinces and Bogota. Forming a system of urban networks with common needs and demand utilities, transportation, grooming, mobility, health, education, public space and environmental quality. The methodology of this research is the analysis of the region from the joint land use plans in the proposed study area. Through interviews with professionals, experts, public officials and employees and taking into account the legal possibilities in Colombia for regional territorial development, establish the real situation in development for the department of Cundinamarca, showing the region's needs and development of a more complex form, assessing synergies and own social, environmental and economic needs of urban growth, to propose a set of guidelines to structure a balanced regional development in Bogota and Cundinamarca. The analysis of case models helps to strengthen initiatives for regional development of the Sabana de Bogota and sustainable region: environmentally, economically and socially. In a network system that interconnects to Bogotá with Cundinamarca, Colombia and elsewhere. Cundinamarca region should set as joint strategies and policies based on a model of regional urban development for the department and the Sabana de Bogota. Basic and fundamental to balanced territorial development that fosters sustainable, compact and quality of life for all its inhabitants cities departmental guidelines.

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David Phips wrote this letter to Colonel Jonathan Snelling from Cambridge on July 12, 1773, to inform him that Massachusetts Governor Thomas Hutchinson had requested the accompaniment of guards during his travels from Milton to Cambridge on July 21, 1773, to attend the Harvard College Commencement exercises. In the letter, Phips informs Snelling that he has issued warrants to the guards, instructing them to congregate at the Sign of the Grey Hound in Roxbury, Massachusetts at eight o'clock on the morning of the 21st. He explains that twelve other men will march, under the command of Sub-Brigadier Sumner, to the Governor's home in Milton to escort him to Roxbury, where the larger party will assemble. These heightened security measures were certainly prompted by political unrest, although this is not stated explicitly in the letter. Phips concludes by saying: "I shall order a dinner for us at Bradish's, where I hope to have the pleasure to dine with you."

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Two letters to the cashier of the Bank of the United States requesting that funds be transferred to Andrew Bayard in Philadelphia, so that Paterson could receive his salary as associate justice of the U.S. Supreme Court.

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[Ahmet Rıfat].