997 resultados para Hundred (Political Division)


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A molecular approach was used to investigate a recently described candidate division of the domain Bacteria, TM7, currently known only from environmental 16S ribosomal DNA sequence data, A number of TM7-specific primers and probes were designed and evaluated. Fluorescence in situ hybridization (FISH) of a laboratory scale bioreactor using two independent TM7-specific probes revealed a conspicuous sheathed-filament morphotype, fortuitously enriched in the reactor. Morphologically, the filament matched the description of the Eikelboom morphotype 0041-0675 widely associated with bulking problems in activated-sludge wastewater treatment systems. Transmission electron microscopy of the bioreactor sludge demonstrated that the sheathed-filament morphotype had a typical gram-positive cell envelope ultrastructure. Therefore, TM7 is only the third bacterial lineage recognized to have gram-positive representatives. TM7-specific FISH analysis of two full-scale wastewater treatment plant sludges, including the one used to seed the laboratory scale reactor, indicated the presence of a number of morphotypes, including sheathed filaments. TM7-specific PCR clone libraries prepared from the two full-scale sludges yielded 23 novel TM7 sequences. Three subdivisions could be defined based on these data and publicly available sequences. Environmental sequence data and TM7-specific FISH analysis indicate that members of the TM7 division are present in a variety of terrestrial, aquatic, and clinical habitats. A highly atypical base substitution (Escherichia coli position 912; C to U) for bacterial 16S rRNAs was present in almost all TM7 sequences, suggesting that TM7 bacteria, like Archaea, may be streptomycin resistant at the ribosome level.

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This article focuses on how US professional sports utilize the New International Division of Cultural Labor to supplement an overly costly local labor pool and over-supplied local market. We argue that while the classic problem of over-production is slowly eroding the sealed-off nature of US culture, the forces of its hyper-protectionist capitalism continue to characterize sports, precluding equal exchange.

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Recent studies have revealed regional variation in the density and distribution of inhibitory neurons in different cortical areas, which are thought to reflect area-specific specializations in cortical circuitry. However, there are as yet few standardized quantitative data regarding how the inhibitory circuitry in prefrontal cortex (PFC), which is thought to be involved in executive functions such as cognition, emotion and decision making, compares to that in other cortical areas. Here we used immunohistochemical techniques to determine the density and distribution of parvalbumin (PV)-, calbindin (CB)-, and calretinin (CR)-immunoreactive (ir) neurons and axon terminals in the dorsolateral and orbital PFC of the owl monkey (Aotus trivirgatus), and compared them directly with data obtained using the same techniques in 11 different visual, somatosensory and motor areas. We found marked differences in the density of PV-ir, CB-ir, and CR-ir interneurons in several cortical areas. One hundred and twenty eight of all 234 possible between-area pairwise comparisons were significantly different. The density of specific subpopulations of these cells also varied among cortical areas, as did the density of axon terminals. Comparison of PFC with other cortical areas revealed that 40 of all 66 possible statistical comparisons of the density of PV-ir, CB-ir, and CR-ir cells were significantly different. We also found evidence for heterogeneity in the pattern of labeling of PV-ir, CB-ir, and CR-ir cells and axon terminals between the dorsolateral and orbital subdivisions of PFC. These data are likely to reflect basic differences in interneuron circuitry, which are likely to influence inhibitory function in the cortex. Copyright (C) 2003 S. Karger AG, Basel.

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This article discusses Brazil's multilateral policy under Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva's administration, highlighting economic, political and environmental themes. The main argument is that Brazil's multilateral relations during this government reached a new significance with the reinforcement of international coalitions and the articulation with the country's new development model. The country has been using multilateral forums as a way to achieve international projection and support for its development project, highlighting bargaining aspects, variable geometry coalitions and the strengthening of South-South cooperation

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This study tries to understand how Brazil and Argentina, two countries with chronically high inflation, achieved permanent stabilization by looking at political factors necessary for stabilization. It suggests that, although state autonomy or political unity may contribute to successful price stabilization, reconciling the interests of different stakeholders and thereby building a broad political support base is more essential for stabilization to succeed. Political skills of the leaders and compensatory policies may help raise such support and they are more crucial where other political conditions are less favorable. Also, rapid improvement in the economy is important for sustained political support, and thus, for successful stabilization.

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Abstract: If we think there is a significant number of legal offshore in the globalized world, then there is not even a global consensus about what «corruption» is. The «illegal corruption» in a country may be legal in another. Moreover, the great global corruption is above the law or above democratic States. And not all democratic States are «Rule of Law». Therefore, the solution is global earlier in time and space law, democratic, free and true law. While the human being does not reach a consensus of what «corruption» really is, the discussion will not go further than a caricature. One of the other problems about «corruption» is that it is very difficult to establish the imputation of crimes, including «corruption» (v.g. Portugal) on some «companies», corporations. We have a juridical problem in the composition of the art. 11. of the Portuguese Penal Code.

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This article is the first part of a research on corruption in Brazil and it is theoretical. Despite this, it provides an economic interpretation of corruption using Brazil as a case study. The main objective of this research is to apply some microeconomic tools to understand the "big corruption". However, I am going to show that corruption is not simply a kind of crime. Rather, it is an ordinary economic activity that arises in some institutional environments. Firstly, some corruption cases in Brazil will be described. This article is aimed at showing that democracy itself does not ensure control over corruption. Secondly, I am going to do a very brief survey of institutional changes and controls over corruption in some Western Societies in which I am going to argue that corruption, its control and its illegality depend on institutional evolution by streamlining the constitutional and institutional framework. Thirdly, I am going to explain how some economic models could be adopted for a better understanding of corruption. Finally, I will present a multiple-self model applied to the public agent (politician and bureaucrat) constrained by institutions and pay-off systems.

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The main purpose of this paper is to explore the possibility of articulating Political Discourse Theory (PDT) together with Organizational Studies (OS), while using the opportunity to introduce PDT to those OS scholars who have not yet come across it. The bulk of this paper introduces the main concepts of PDT, discussing how they have been applied to concrete, empirical studies of resistance movements. In recent years, PDT has been increasingly appropriated by OS scholars to problematize and analyze resistances and other forms of social antagonisms within organizational settings, taking the relational and contingent aspects of struggles into consideration. While the paper supports the idea of a joint articulation of PDT and OS, it raises a number of critical questions of how PDT concepts have been empirically used to explain the organization of resistance movements. The paper sets out a research agenda for how both PDT and OS can together contribute to our understanding of new, emerging organizational forms of resistance movements.

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This article tests the presence of political budget cycle (PBC) in municipal elections in Brazil and checks whether mayors who adopt such policy have greater probability of reelection. Based on fiscal and electoral data of 5,406 Brazilian municipalities and applying the difference-in-differences econometric method as well as logistic regressions, the results provide some evidence of PBC in Brazil, although its magnitude and consistency varies depending on the years used as electoral and non-electoral years. On average, reelectable mayors spend close to 3% more in election years than nonreelectables. Moreover, reelectables who do run for reelection present a variation in spending which is close to 5% superior to that of non-reelectables and non-runners. Additionally, the results suggest that mayors who increase public spending during electoral periods have greater chances of being reelected, as long as such spending is done within deficit limits acceptable by voters.

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A igreja de Goa é uma filha da expansão portuguesa. Nasceu e cresceu no âmbito do Padroado português do Oriente. Essa ligação beneficiou e prejudicou a sua missão espiritual. Desde 1961 a igreja de Goa enfrenta os desafios da democracia. Apesar da demonstração de progresso visível, há muito caminho para percorrer, particularmente no que diz respeito à administração dos bens temporais da igreja e com maior participação leiga nessa área.

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Brazil has become the center of the spotlight of the whole world recently, amongst many other reasons, one of them was because it was chosen to host a series of mega sporting events - Pan American Games in 2007, Confederations Football Cup in 2013, Fifa Football World Cup 2014 Games and 2016 Olympic and Paralympic Games in 2016. However, little is known about the country's administrative governmental structure focused on sport policy. The available studies focus their analysis on the sport policies content, but not on the arrangement of its structural decision-making. The main aim of this article is indeed to describe, based on official documentation, the evolution and the current arrangements of the government responsible for the administrative structure for the planning and implementation of sports policies in Brazil. Thus, we tried to list the main problems arising from the organization of the Brazilian sports' management. These problems are: (1) inappropriate institutional structure in terms of human resources and obstacles to participation by other social actors beyond the officials (parliament and members of the Ministry of Sports) in the sports policy; (2) disarticulation between public institutions generating redundancies and conflicts of jurisdiction due to the poor division of labor between bureaucracy agencies; and (3) inadequate planning proved by the lack of organization of some institutions, and by the lack of assessment and continuity of public policies over time. Therefore, we must emphasize those problems from above, and due to these administrative arrangements, Brazilian sports' policy has big challenges in the sport development in this country, which includes the creation of a national "system" for sports and a priority investment in sport education.