170 resultados para HOMICIDE


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Il lavoro è suddiviso in due sezioni, che si compongono rispettivamente di tre e due capitoli. La prima sezione è dedicata all'esame dei principi fondamentali e della "parte generale" della disciplina della responsabilità amministrativa degli enti: il primo capitolo si concentra sull'evoluzione storica del principio Societas delinquere non potest nell'ordinamento giuridico italiano, prodromica all'analisi della natura della responsabilità amministrativa dipendente da reato degli enti. svolta nel secondo capitolo. Nel terzo capitolo della prima sezione si affronta la disciplina di "parte generale" del decreto 231, evidenziando, in particolare. i principi fondamentali che caratterizzano questo paradigma di illecito. La seconda sezione affronta invece due degli aspetti maggiormente problematici della "parte speciale" del decreto, ovvero la responsabilità degli enti per i delitti di omicidio e lesioni colpose (ai quali è dedicato il primo capitolo) e quella derivante dalla commissione di reati associativi (ai quali è dedicato il secondo capitolo).

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Determination of the manner of death in case of intraoral firearm wounds can be a challenge, especially if the circumstances of the incident are unclear and crime scene investigation is inadequate. It is a well-known fact that the mouth is one of the selected sites for suicide with firearms. Homicidal shooting through the mouth is said to be rare, but does occur, and can be mistaken for a suicide. For discrimination between suicide and homicide in cases of intraoral firearm wounds, some useful points are the site of entry wound, the direction of the internal bullet path, the range of fire and the circumstances of death. We demonstrate these points in a case of a homicidal gunshot to the mouth assessed by both classical autopsy and post-mortem CT (PMCT).

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For crime scene investigation in cases of homicide, the pattern of bloodstains at the incident site is of critical importance. The morphology of the bloodstain pattern serves to determine the approximate blood source locations, the minimum number of blows and the positioning of the victim. In the present work, the benefits of the three-dimensional bloodstain pattern analysis, including the ballistic approximation of the trajectories of the blood drops, will be demonstrated using two illustrative cases. The crime scenes were documented in 3D, using the non-contact methods digital photogrammetry, tachymetry and laser scanning. Accurate, true-to-scale 3D models of the crime scenes, including the bloodstain pattern and the traces, were created. For the determination of the areas of origin of the bloodstain pattern, the trajectories of up to 200 well-defined bloodstains were analysed in CAD and photogrammetry software. The ballistic determination of the trajectories was performed using ballistics software. The advantages of this method are the short preparation time on site, the non-contact measurement of the bloodstains and the high accuracy of the bloodstain analysis. It should be expected that this method delivers accurate results regarding the number and position of the areas of origin of bloodstains, in particular the vertical component is determined more precisely than using conventional methods. In both cases relevant forensic conclusions regarding the course of events were enabled by the ballistic bloodstain pattern analysis.

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Hatchet blows to the human skull often cause fatal injuries. We present a case of homicide by hatchet blow that underwent CT, MRI, and autopsy examination. Skull fragmentation, fracture lines, and brain injuries were demonstrated prior to autopsy. Many of the hatchet-specific characteristics (flaking, crushing, shattering, and fracture lines) described in literature were observed in the post-mortem imaging of this case.

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Cet article vise à présenter les principales pistes d’analyse éthique qui ont été proposées en matière d’euthanasie dans la tradition bouddhiste. Les nombreuses branches et cultures issues et influencées par le bouddhisme engendrent une importante hétérogénéité de vues face à de telles questions. Une interprétation prudente de leurs valeurs et enseignements fondamentaux permet, cependant, de discuter la vraisemblance des théories exprimées par la poignée d’auteurs s’étant penchés sur la question. Certains discutent de l’action homicide du professionnel de la santé, se demandant, en particulier, si l’incontesté principe du respect de la vie ne pourrait être relativisé par une compassion à l’égard du patient à l’agonie. D’autres raisonnent dans une perspective de refus de traitement de la part d’un malade, situant donc exclusivement l’enjeu du côté du patient. L’article conclut que l’euthanasie ne serait pas acceptée par le bouddhisme, la question de la cessation des soins ou du refus de traitement étant plus difficile à trancher. Notre revue de littérature n’a pas identifié d’écrits provenant des principaux pays concernés par les mouvements bouddhistes. Il est ainsi difficile d’apprécier la place réelle de l’euthanasie dans le questionnement des théoriciens et professionnels de la santé dont la culture est empreinte de cette tradition.

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There has been a discontinuous but fairly persistent long-term decline in homicide rates in core European countries since about 1500. Since the 1950s, however, we observe an upward trend in violent crime not only in Europe but in almost all of the economically advanced nations that combine democratic political structures with free-market economies. The paper presents an explanatory scheme designed to account for both, the long decline and its apparent reversal. The theoretical model draws heavily upon ideas taken from the sociological work of Emile Durkheim and Norbert Elias—with some modifications and extensions. It seeks to integrate sociological and historical perspectives and to give due weight to both, structural and developmental forces. A key hypothesis is that the pacifying effects of the erosion of traditional collectivism can only be maintained to the extent by which “cooperative individualism” dominates over against the forces of “disintegrative individualism.” Some suggestions are made concerning the selection of appropriate indicators and the handling of methodological problems related to causal attribution.

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There is a plethora of criminological explanations why criminal violence increased during the three decades between the early 1960s and the early 1990s. This paper argues that most available interpretations are lacking in three respects: they lack a historical perspective that anchors the three critical decades in a wider understanding of long-term trends; they take the nation-state as their unit of analysis and disregard important commonalities across the Western world; and they pay insufficient attention to different trends in broad categories of physical violence.This paper therefore takes a macro-level and long-term perspective on violent crime, focussing on European homicide during the past 160 years. It demonstrates that the period of increase was preceded by a long-term decline and convergence of homicide rates from the 1840s to the 1950s. Also, it shows that both the decline and the increase primarily resulted from temporal variation in the likelihood of physical aggression between men in public space. It argues that explanations of these common trends need to take into account broad long-term cultural change common to Western societies. In particular, the paper suggests that shifts in culturally transmitted and institutionally embedded ideals of the conduct of life may provide an explanation for long-term change in levels of interpersonal violence.

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One of the biggest challenges facing researchers trying to empirically test structural or institutional anomie theories is the operationalization of the key concept of anomie. This challenge is heightened by the data constraints involved in cross-national research. As a result, researchers have been forced to rely on surrogate or proxy measures of anomie and indirect tests of the theories. The purpose of this study is to examine an innovative and more theoretically sound measure of anomie and to test its ability to make cross-national predictions of serious crime. Our results are supportive of the efficacy of this construct to explain cross-national variations in crime rates. Nations with the highest rates of structural anomie also have the highest predicted rates of homicide.

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Backspatter from wounds caused by contact shots against a biological target had before been shown to be propelled into firearms' barrels where they can persist and be retrieved from as relevant forensic evidence. Herein, that insight was applied to the investigation of a case of multiple familial homicide with a firearm. Samples of backspatter were collected from the firearm using DNA-free swabs. DNA was extracted from the swabs, and 16 STR systems were PCR-amplified to generate DNA profiles of all victims shot by the firearm. The quality of the resulting DNA profiles was sufficient to exclude the perpetrator as donor and to differentiate the three closely related victims thereby proving that all three victims had been shot by the same firearm from very close or contact distance. A key insight gained from this case was that not only a firearms' barrel inside but other inner surfaces may be charged with profilable DNA.

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BACKGROUND In an effort to reduce firearm mortality rates in the USA, US states have enacted a range of firearm laws to either strengthen or deregulate the existing main federal gun control law, the Brady Law. We set out to determine the independent association of different firearm laws with overall firearm mortality, homicide firearm mortality, and suicide firearm mortality across all US states. We also projected the potential reduction of firearm mortality if the three most strongly associated firearm laws were enacted at the federal level. METHODS We constructed a cross-sectional, state-level dataset from Nov 1, 2014, to May 15, 2015, using counts of firearm-related deaths in each US state for the years 2008-10 (stratified by intent [homicide and suicide]) from the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention's Web-based Injury Statistics Query and Reporting System, data about 25 firearm state laws implemented in 2009, and state-specific characteristics such as firearm ownership for 2013, firearm export rates, and non-firearm homicide rates for 2009, and unemployment rates for 2010. Our primary outcome measure was overall firearm-related mortality per 100 000 people in the USA in 2010. We used Poisson regression with robust variances to derive incidence rate ratios (IRRs) and 95% CIs. FINDINGS 31 672 firearm-related deaths occurred in 2010 in the USA (10·1 per 100 000 people; mean state-specific count 631·5 [SD 629·1]). Of 25 firearm laws, nine were associated with reduced firearm mortality, nine were associated with increased firearm mortality, and seven had an inconclusive association. After adjustment for relevant covariates, the three state laws most strongly associated with reduced overall firearm mortality were universal background checks for firearm purchase (multivariable IRR 0·39 [95% CI 0·23-0·67]; p=0·001), ammunition background checks (0·18 [0·09-0·36]; p<0·0001), and identification requirement for firearms (0·16 [0·09-0·29]; p<0·0001). Projected federal-level implementation of universal background checks for firearm purchase could reduce national firearm mortality from 10·35 to 4·46 deaths per 100 000 people, background checks for ammunition purchase could reduce it to 1·99 per 100 000, and firearm identification to 1·81 per 100 000. INTERPRETATION Very few of the existing state-specific firearm laws are associated with reduced firearm mortality, and this evidence underscores the importance of focusing on relevant and effective firearms legislation. Implementation of universal background checks for the purchase of firearms or ammunition, and firearm identification nationally could substantially reduce firearm mortality in the USA. FUNDING None.

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Fatal gunshot injury deaths and their characteristics were ascertained for the population of Galveston County, Texas, for 1979-81. A total of 147 gunshot deaths occurring to residents of Galveston County were enumerated from death certificates, police and hospital records. Residents accounted for 96.1% of all gunshot deaths occurring in the county. The overall firearms death rate was 25 per 100,000 population. This ranked gunshot mortality as the third leading cause of injury death and the sixth leading cause of death from all causes. Gunshot deaths accounted for 10% of all years of life lost due to premature mortality.^ Firearms accounted for 73% of all homicide deaths. The median age of gunshot homicide victims was 27 years. Gunshot homicide mortality was highest among black males with a rate of 61 per 100,000. Rates of 23 per 100,000 and 12 per 100,000 were observed for Hispanic males and black females respectively. Gunshot homicide cases were characterized by use of "low quality" handguns (76.1%), circumstances involving a "relationship breakup" (38.1%), and alcohol consumption (79.6%). The place of occurrence of gunshot homicide was a residence in over half of all cases. The occupation most frequently associated was fishing and farming. Homicide was the primary motivation for 84% of the cases.^ The descriptive epidemiology of gunshot suicide differed from that of gunshot homicide. Firearms accounted for 64% of all suicide deaths. The median age of gunshot suicide victims was 41 years. Gunshot suicide mortality was highest among white males with a rate of 24 per 100,000. Rates of 14 per 100,000 and 9 per 100,000 were observed for black males and Hispanic females respectively. Gunshot suicide cases were characterized by use of "low quality" handguns (69.4%), circumstances involving a "relationship breakup" (39.1%) and alcohol consumption (63%). The place of occurrence was a residence in 80% of the cases. The occupation most frequently associated was police or security guard.^ Strategies for primary prevention are recommended. The research strategy, based on Haddon's model, is suggested for further investigations. ^

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Based on the World Health Organization's (1965) definition of health, understanding of health requires understanding of positive psychological states. Subjective Well-being (SWB) is a major indicator of positive psychological states. Up to date, most studies of SWB have been focused on its distributions and determinants. However, study of its consequences, especially health consequences, is lacking. This dissertation research examined Subjective Well-being, as operationally defined by constructs drawn from the framework of Positive Psychology, and its sub-scores (Positive Feelings and Negative Feelings) as predictors of three major health outcomes—mortality, heart disease, and obesity. The research used prospective data from the Alameda County Study over 29 years (1965–1994), based on a stratified, randomized, representative sample of the general public in Alameda County, California (Baseline N = 6928). ^ Multivariate analyses (Survival analyses using sequential Cox Proportional Hazard models in the cases of mortality and heart disease, and sequential Logistic Regression analyses in the case of obesity) were performed as the main methods to evaluate the associations of the predictors and the health outcomes. The results revealed that SWB reduced risks of all-cause mortality, natural-cause mortality, and cardiovascular mortality. Positive feelings not only had an even stronger protective effect against all-cause, natural-cause and cardiovascular mortality, but also predicted decreased unnatural-cause mortality which includes deaths from suicide, homicide, accidents, mental disorders, drug dependency, as well as alcohol-related liver diseases. These effects were significant even after adjusted for age, gender, education, and various physical health measures, and, in the case of cardiovascular mortality, obesity and health practices (alcohol consumption, smoking, and physical activities). However, these two positive psychological indicators, SWB and positive feelings, did not predict obesity. And negative feelings had no significant effect on any of the health outcomes evaluated, i.e., all-cause mortality, natural- and unnatural-cause mortality, cardiovascular mortality, or obesity, after covariates were controlled. These findings were discussed (1) in comparison with relevant existing studies, (2) in terms of their implications in health research and promotion, (3) in terms of the independence of positive and negative feelings, and (4) from a Positive Psychology perspective and its significance in Public Health research and practice. ^

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La sanción del código penal en la provincia de Buenos Aires en el año 1877, fijó en el homicidio la penalidad y determinó las circunstancias del delito mediante la enumeración de los atenuantes y agravantes. El objetivo era contemplar todas las posibilidades del delito para reducir el "arbitrio judicial". Sin embargo, deteniéndonos en los cambios operados en cuanto a la ebriedad en la normativa legal y en la práctica judicial, se puede observar que la función del juez no se redujo únicamente a computar la pena según el delito. A su cargo quedó la apreciación de las pruebas y la interpretación legal. En este sentido, la ley dejó márgenes para considerar a la ebriedad como atenuante o no de la penalidad. Sin embargo, los jueces le negaron tal beneficio al imputado, lo cual marcó una ruptura con respecto al período anterior. Interpretación que estuvo determinada no por un cambio en la percepción sobre el efecto del alcohol como perturbador de la conciencia, sino por ciertos prejuicios que otorgaron una jerarquía y un valor a los motivos que pudieran cegar al trasgresor. Considerada aun como un vicio y no una patología, revelaron la condena a esta práctica social determinando que hechos ya no quedaban comprendidos como circunstancias atenuantes. En definitiva, la ebriedad posibilita apreciar el complejo proceso de codificación que consistió no únicamente en la aplicación literal de la ley sino también en la interpretación que de ella se hiciera.

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La sanción del código penal en la provincia de Buenos Aires en el año 1877, fijó en el homicidio la penalidad y determinó las circunstancias del delito mediante la enumeración de los atenuantes y agravantes. El objetivo era contemplar todas las posibilidades del delito para reducir el "arbitrio judicial". Sin embargo, deteniéndonos en los cambios operados en cuanto a la ebriedad en la normativa legal y en la práctica judicial, se puede observar que la función del juez no se redujo únicamente a computar la pena según el delito. A su cargo quedó la apreciación de las pruebas y la interpretación legal. En este sentido, la ley dejó márgenes para considerar a la ebriedad como atenuante o no de la penalidad. Sin embargo, los jueces le negaron tal beneficio al imputado, lo cual marcó una ruptura con respecto al período anterior. Interpretación que estuvo determinada no por un cambio en la percepción sobre el efecto del alcohol como perturbador de la conciencia, sino por ciertos prejuicios que otorgaron una jerarquía y un valor a los motivos que pudieran cegar al trasgresor. Considerada aun como un vicio y no una patología, revelaron la condena a esta práctica social determinando que hechos ya no quedaban comprendidos como circunstancias atenuantes. En definitiva, la ebriedad posibilita apreciar el complejo proceso de codificación que consistió no únicamente en la aplicación literal de la ley sino también en la interpretación que de ella se hiciera.

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La sanción del código penal en la provincia de Buenos Aires en el año 1877, fijó en el homicidio la penalidad y determinó las circunstancias del delito mediante la enumeración de los atenuantes y agravantes. El objetivo era contemplar todas las posibilidades del delito para reducir el "arbitrio judicial". Sin embargo, deteniéndonos en los cambios operados en cuanto a la ebriedad en la normativa legal y en la práctica judicial, se puede observar que la función del juez no se redujo únicamente a computar la pena según el delito. A su cargo quedó la apreciación de las pruebas y la interpretación legal. En este sentido, la ley dejó márgenes para considerar a la ebriedad como atenuante o no de la penalidad. Sin embargo, los jueces le negaron tal beneficio al imputado, lo cual marcó una ruptura con respecto al período anterior. Interpretación que estuvo determinada no por un cambio en la percepción sobre el efecto del alcohol como perturbador de la conciencia, sino por ciertos prejuicios que otorgaron una jerarquía y un valor a los motivos que pudieran cegar al trasgresor. Considerada aun como un vicio y no una patología, revelaron la condena a esta práctica social determinando que hechos ya no quedaban comprendidos como circunstancias atenuantes. En definitiva, la ebriedad posibilita apreciar el complejo proceso de codificación que consistió no únicamente en la aplicación literal de la ley sino también en la interpretación que de ella se hiciera.