995 resultados para European Union, Northern Ireland, Wales and Scotland
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A brief bibliography of information sources about current issues of regionalism and separatism in the European Union with a particular focus on Catalonia, Flanders and Scotland. This guide has been compiled in connection with the event Regionalism and Separatism in the European Union held in the Cardiff EDC on 21 February 2013.
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Signatures : A¹², a⁶, B-M¹².
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Occupational standards concerning allowable concentrations of chemical compounds in the ambient air of workplaces have been established in several countries worldwide. With the integration of the European Union (EU), there has been a need of establishing harmonised Occupational Exposure Limits (OEL). The European Commission Directive 95/320/EC of 12 July 1995 has given the tasks to a Scientific Committee for Occupational Exposure Limits (SCOEL) to propose, based on scientific data and where appropriate, occupational limit values which may include the 8-h time-weighted average (TWA), short-term limits/excursion limits (STEL) and Biological Limit Values (BLVs). In 2000, the European Union issued a list of 62 chemical substances with Occupational Exposure Limits. Of these, 25 substances received a skin notation, indicating that toxicologically significant amounts may be taken up via the skin. For such substances, monitoring of concentrations in ambient air may not be sufficient, and biological monitoring strategies appear of potential importance in the medical surveillance of exposed workers. Recent progress has been made with respect to formulation of a strategy related to health-based BLVs. (c) 2005 Elsevier Ireland Ltd. All rights reserved.
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Acknowledgements: Thanks go to the participants of the ‘Health and Work’ Organised Session (2011) of the Scottish Economic Society 2011 Annual Conference, Perth, Scotland, for helpful comments. The authors are also grateful to the editor Franco Peracchi and the referees of this journal for helpful comments and suggestions. The financial support of the European Commission is gratefully acknowledged (HEALTHatWORK Project) — 7th Framework Programme THEME [HEALTH-2007-4.2-3] Grant Agreement No: 200716.
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Acknowledgements: Thanks go to the participants of the ‘Health and Work’ Organised Session (2011) of the Scottish Economic Society 2011 Annual Conference, Perth, Scotland, for helpful comments. The authors are also grateful to the editor Franco Peracchi and the referees of this journal for helpful comments and suggestions. The financial support of the European Commission is gratefully acknowledged (HEALTHatWORK Project) — 7th Framework Programme THEME [HEALTH-2007-4.2-3] Grant Agreement No: 200716.
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Background
Studies suggest a complex relationship between Cerebral Palsy sub-types, severity of impairment, and risk factors such as gestational age. To investigate these relationships, we conducted analyses on over 1,100 children included in the Northern Ireland Cerebral Palsy Register (NICPR) whose clinical CP subtype was Bilateral Spastic or Spastic Hemiplegia, and for whom information was available on the relevant variables.
Methods
We tested for the association between Bilateral and Hemiplegia subtypes, severe intellectual impairment, and gestational age (term; moderately preterm; very or extremely preterm) while controlling for gender, socio-economic deprivation, year of birth, and birth weight (using a standardized birth-weight score based on deviance from the birth weight average within each gestational age band). Severity of intellectual impairment was dichotomised (severe intellectual delay vs. moderate or no delay).
Results
Logistic regressions indicated a good fit of the model, and the predictors included explained approximately 19% of variability in the outcome. The results indicated a strong association between the Bilateral subtype and severe intellectual impairment: compared to children with the Hemiplegia subtype, those with Bilateral Spastic CP displayed a 10-fold increase in the odds of severe intellectual impairment. The results revealed a significant interaction between CP subtype and gestational age: for the Bilateral CP subtype, being born at term was associated with increased probability of severe intellectual impairment.
Discussion
Results are consistent with other studies (Hemming et al., 2008) in indicating that the likelihood of cognitive impairments increases with increasing gestational age at delivery of Bilateral Spastic CP children. The results are discussed in light of hypotheses that suggest the brain might be able to reorganise and compensate the effects of lesions and injuries when it is still less developed.
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Background Ireland has the 17th highest suicide rate in the EU and the 4th highest among 15 to 24-year-old males (WHO 2012). Suicide is the leading cause of death in this age group; death by hanging accounted for 69 % of suicides in 2010. Methods This study examines youth suicide rates from 1980 to 2010 in Ireland and compares them to the rates in Northern Ireland, Scotland, England and Wales. Irish data were obtained from the Central Statistics Office and their annual reports on Vital Statistics. Northern Irish data were obtained from the Northern Ireland Statistics and Research Agency website; Scottish data were from the General Register Office for Scotland and English/Welsh data from the Office for National Statistics website. Results There has been a threefold increase in young male suicide in Ireland over the past three decades (8.9 - 29.7 per 100,000). In contrast, there has been approximately a threefold reduction in deaths by road traffic accidents in young men in the same period (42.7 - 16.2 per 100,000). Suicide rates in young men are similar in Scotland and Northern Ireland for the same period but are 50 % lower in England and Wales. Despite the rates of hanging as a method of suicide increasing in all jurisdictions, the overall rate in England and Wales has continued to decline. Conclusion The suicide rate in Ireland remains very high and strategies to address this are urgently required. Our study indicates that national suicide prevention strategies can be effective.
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The Cyprus dispute accurately portrays the evolution of the conflict from ‘warfare to lawfare’ enriched in politics; this research has proven that the Cyprus problem has been and will continue to be one of the most judicialised disputes across the globe. Notwithstanding the ‘normalisation’ of affairs between the two ethno-religious groups on the island since the division in 1974, the Republic of Cyprus’ (RoC) European Union (EU) membership in 2004 failed to catalyse reunification and terminate the legal, political and economic isolation of the Turkish Cypriot community. So the question is; why is it that the powerful legal order of the EU continuously fails to tame the tiny troublesome island of Cyprus? This is a thesis on the interrelationship of the EU legal order and the Cyprus problem. A literal and depoliticised interpretation of EU law has been maintained throughout the EU’s dealings with Cyprus, hence, pre-accession and post-accession. The research has brought to light that this literal interpretation of EU law vis-à-vis Cyprus has in actual fact deepened the division on the island. Pessimists outnumber optimists so far as resolving this problem is concerned, and rightly so if you look back over the last forty years of failed attempts to do just that, a diplomatic combat zone scattered with the bones of numerous mediators. This thesis will discuss how the decisions of the EU institutions, its Member States and specifically of the European Court of Justice, despite conforming to the EU legal order, have managed to disregard the principle of equality on the divided island and thus prevent the promised upgrade of the status of the Turkish Cypriot community since 2004. Indeed, whether a positive or negative reading of the Union’s position towards the Cyprus problem is adopted, the case remains valid for an organisation based on the rule of law to maintain legitimacy, democracy, clarity and equality to the decisions of its institutions. Overall, the aim of this research is to establish a link between the lack of success of the Union to build a bridge over troubled waters and the right of self-determination of the Turkish Cypriot community. The only way left for the EU to help resolve the Cyprus problem is to aim to broker a deal between the two Cypriot communities which will permit the recognition of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) or at least the ‘Taiwanisation’ of Northern Cyprus. Albeit, there are many studies that address the impact of the EU on the conflict or the RoC, which represents the government that has monopolised EU accession, the argument advanced in this thesis is that despite the alleged Europeanisation of the Turkish Cypriot community, they are habitually disregarded because of the EU’s current legal framework and the Union’s lack of conflict transformation strategy vis-à-vis the island. Since the self-declared TRNC is not recognised and EU law is suspended in northern Cyprus in accordance with Protocol No 10 on Cyprus of the Act of Accession 2003, the Turkish-Cypriots represent an idiomatic partner of Brussels but the relations between the two resemble the experience of EU enlargement: the EU’s relevance to the community has been based on the prospects for EU accession (via reunification) and assistance towards preparation for potential EU integration through financial and technical aid. Undeniably, the pre-accession and postaccession strategy of Brussels in Cyprus has worsened the Cyprus problem and hindered the peace process. The time has come for the international community to formally acknowledge the existence of the TRNC.
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This paper examines the trade relationship between the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) and the European Union (EU). A simultaneous equation regression model is developed and estimated to assist with the analysis. The regression results, using both the two stage least squares (2SLS) and ordinary least squares (OLS) estimation methods, reveal the existence of feedback effects between the two economic integrations. The results also show that during times of slack in oil prices, the GCC income from its investments overseas helped to finance its imports from the EU.