Pasado y presente de las relaciones comerciales entre las Islas Canarias y África

[ES] El presente trabajo es una aproximación centrada en la evolución del comercio canario-africano entre 2001 y 2011, así como en los principales valores obtenidos por las exportaciones e importaciones, incidiendo especialmente en la localización geográfica de los países proveedores y los mercados de destino de las producciones más relevantes. Todo ello se ha hecho sin perder de vista la perspectiva peculiar del Archipiélago con una economía escasamente industrializada en el contexto español, y prescindiendo de los flujos de inversión, las remesas de los migrantes o los intercambios de servicios. Las principales fuentes de información consultadas han sido las publicadas por el INE, ISTAC y la OMC en donde se recogen estadísticas oficiales basadas en los datos suministrados por la Agencia Tributaria del Ministerio de Economía y Hacienda.

Rimesse e sviluppo locale nel sistema migratorio del Golfo Persico

The thesis concerns, from an economic and institutional point of view, the migration process in connection with development issues, focusing on the Middle East and North Africa region. Adopting a south-south perspective of migration flows, which is focusing on migration from the Maghreb and Mashreq towards the GCC, the research focuses on the linkage between migration and local development (LED), considering the economic implication that temporary migration flows (trough physical and human capital accumulation) have for the labour exporting countries of the region. Since south-south migration flows are both temporary and skilled, the research points out that return migrants from the GCC can have a significant impact for the growth of recipient countries, as they transfer capital through remittances on regular basis and, once back, they can use human capital acquired abroad to promote economic initiatives. Starting from the descriptive analysis on international migration flows (from an historical to a systemic point of view), and focusing on the patterns of people movements in the Gulf Migration System and on the role remittances have in the region as a strategy for both household survival and local development, the research considers the economics of migrant remittances from a micro and macro perspective and the main direct and indirect effects that remittances have on the local communities. The review of the economic literature on international remittances and on local development shows how migration is an alternative strategy of financing local economic development (LED) especially for low-middle income countries (among them the Maghreb countries). The linkage between return migration, remittances, human capital formation and the promotion of local development in the Egyptian case is the focus of the empirical investigation.

Immigrants in the Czech Republic (With Special Reference to Ukrainian Workers and "Western" Firms Operating in Prague)

International migration has increased rapidly in the Czech Republic, with more than 150,000 legally registered foreign residents at the end of 1996. A large proportion of these are in Prague - 35% of the total in December 1996. The aim of this project was to enrich the fund of information concerning the "environment", reasons and "mechanisms" behind immigration to the Czech Republic. Mr. Drbohlav looked first at the empirical situation and on this basis set out to test certain well-known migration theories. He focused on four main areas: 1) a detailed description and explanation of the stock of foreign citizens legally settled in Czech territory, concentrating particularly on "economic" migrants; 2) a questionnaire survey targeting a total of 192 Ukrainian workers (98 in the fall 1995 and 94 in the fall 1996) working in Prague or its vicinity; 3) a second questionnaire survey of 40 "western" firms (20 in 1996 and 20 in 1997) operating out of Prague; 4) an opinion poll on how the Czech population reacts to foreign workers in the CR. Over 80% of economic immigrants at the end of 1996 were from European countries, 16% from Asia and under 2% from North America. The largest single nationalities were Ukrainians, Slovaks, Vietnamese and Poles. There has been a huge increase in the Ukrainian immigrant community over both space (by region) and time (a ten-fold increase since 1993), and at 40,000 persons this represents one third of all legal immigrants. Indications are that many more live and work there illegally. Young males with low educational/skills levels predominate, in contrast with the more heterogeneous immigration from the "West". The primary reason for this migration is the higher wages in the Czech Republic. In 1994 the relative figures of GDP adjusted for parity of purchasing power were US$ 8,095 for the Czech Republic versus US$ 3,330 for the Ukraine as a whole and US$ 1,600 for the Zakarpatye region from which 49% of the respondents in the survey came. On an individual level, the average Czech wage is about US$ 330 per month, while 50% of the Ukrainian respondents put their last monthly wage before leaving for the Czech Republic at under US$ 27. The very low level of unemployment in the latter country (fluctuating around 4%) was also mentioned as an important factor. Migration was seen as a way of diversifying the family's source of income and 49% of the respondents had made their plans together with partners or close relatives, while 45% regularly send remittances to Ukraine (94% do so through friends or relatives). Looking at Ukrainian migration from the point of view of the dual market theory, these migrants' type and conditions of work, work load and earnings were all significantly worse than in the primary sector, which employs well educated people and offers them good earnings, job security and benefits. 53% of respondents were working and/or staying in the Czech Republic illegally at the time of the research, 73% worked as unqualified, unskilled workers or auxiliary workers, 62% worked more than 12 hours a day, and 40% evaluated their working conditions as hard. 51% had no days off, earnings were low in relation to the number of hours worked. and 85% said that their earnings did not increase over time. Nearly half the workers were recruited in Ukraine and only 4% expressed a desire to stay in the Czech Republic. Network theories were also borne out to some extent as 33% of immigrants came together with friends from the same village, town or region in Ukraine. The number who have relatives working in the Czech Republic is rising, and many wish to invite relatives or children to visit them. The presence of organisations which organised cross-border migration, including some which resort to organising illegal documents, also gives some support for the institutional theory. Mr. Drbohlav found that all the migration theories considered offered some insights on the situation, but that none was sufficient to explain it all. He also points out parallels with many other regions of the world, including Central America, South and North America, Melanesia, Indonesia, East Africa, India, the Middle East and Russia. For the survey of foreign and international firms, those chosen were largely from countries represented by more than one company and were mainly active in market services such as financial and trade services, marketing and consulting. While 48% of the firms had more than 10,000 employees spread through many countries, more than two thirds had fewer than 50 employees in the Czech Republic. Czechs formed 80% plus of general staff in these firms although not more than 50% of senior management, and very few other "easterners" were employed. All companies absolutely denied employing people illegally. The average monthly wage of Czech staff was US$ 850, with that of top managers from the firm's "mother country" being US$ 6,350 and that of other western managers US$ 3,410. The foreign staff were generally highly mobile and were rarely accompanied by their families. Most saw their time in the Czech Republic as positive for their careers but very few had any intention of remaining there. Factors in the local situation which were evaluated positively included market opportunities, the economic and political environment, the quality of technical and managerial staff, and cheap labour and low production costs. In contrast, the level of appropriate business ethics and conduct, the attitude of local and regional authorities, environmental production conditions, the legal environment and financial markets and fiscal policy were rated very low. In the final section of his work Mr. Drbohlav looked at the opinions expressed by the local Czech population in a poll carried out at the beginning of 1997. This confirmed that international labour migration has become visible in this country, with 43% of respondents knowing at least one foreigner employed by a Czech firm in this country. Perception differ according to the region from which the workers come and those from "the West" are preferred to those coming from further east. 49% saw their attitude towards the former as friendly but only 20% felt thus towards the latter. Overall, attitudes towards migrant workers is neutral, although 38% said that such workers should not have the same rights as Czech citizens. Sympathy towards foreign workers tends to increase with education and the standard of living, and the relatively positive attitudes towards foreigners in the South Bohemia region contradicted the frequent belief that a lack of experience of international migration lowers positive perceptions of it.

Il razzismo della prosperità nell’Europa contemporanea - Riflessioni a margine del pensiero antirazzista di Walter Lorenz

Recent publishing on the migration phenomena in the communitarian and globalized Europe, puts in evidence a fundamental racism which is capable of making cultural processes grow and feed both chaos and social disorder. As a matter of fact we are approaching the ending debates on multicultural citizenship as well as on solidary integration and antiracism. Since the appearing of these phenomena, namely the huge post colonial migration in the nineteen-eighties, by which the colonized countries became almost “emigrant nurseries”, one could expect their stabilization. On the contrary, globalization and migration (twin subjects) everywhere still produce, at various levels, social disturbances together with some chauvinistic limitations as an ultimate kind of western prosperity defense. The peculiar European features of this new racism, less than ideological (superiority, homogeneity and civilizing mission), are confined to the concepts of patriotism, inequality and exclusion. In these terms one can understand why the new economic expansionism and the quest for new world markets makes European policies unstable, which remain undecided between conservatism, liberalism and extreme right. All this explains at least two things: the existing ambiguities of some European policies aiming to enhance particular forms of protectionism, and the difficulties in which the antiracist thought seems to be embedded. Indeed, according to what Walter Lorenz has already made clear, by using a well founded methodology, which prevents any fruitless protestations, it is impossible to contrast racism and nationalism. In such context, the educational field should try to use an operative epistemology. In other words the antiracist thought should dispose of competences and skills and, especially, personal and reflective capabilities. All this in order to avoid that which, in different historical scenes, permit the revival of the sense of moral opprobrium could not be identified with the political alibi to maintain privileges as well as advantages for the exclusive benefit of wealthy countries.

Italia: La chiusura della Casa dell’Emigrante come spunto riflessione sui rientri degli emigrati italiani

In the literature on migration, as well as in social policies regarding this phenomenon, the situation of returning emigrants receives scant attention. This essay establishes an intricate connection between attitudes and policies that prevail in a country regarding emigration and those concerning immigration. The case of Italy provides a prime example for this as it once was a classical country of emigration, only to turn, in recent decades, into a country that appears highly attractive (and relatively accessible) to immigrants. The essay traces the pervasive ambiguity that characterizes this country’s attitudes towards emigration from the beginning of mass emigration shortly after the unification of Italy in 1868 to the emigration policies of the fascist regime of Mussolini and the post-World War II waves of emigration right through to the corresponding ambiguity concerning the status of immigrants in contemporary society, including the indifferent treatment of returning Italian emigrants who constitute a considerable numerical phenomenon. These reflections take their origin from the impending closure of a reception centre in Lazio, the Casa dell’Emigrante near Sant’Elia Fiumerapido, Province of Frosinone, ostensibly for financial reasons. This centre had been the only one of its kind in the whole of Italy dealing officially with the needs of repatriated Italians. It had assisted returning emigrants both with practical matters, such as negotiating the labyrinth of Italian bureaucracy , and with psychological implications of a return, which are often considerable given the time lag of experiences with current social realities and the frequently unrealistic expectations associated with the return. Questions of identity become highly acute in those circumstances. The threatened closure of the centre illustrates the unwillingness of the state to face up to the factual prevalence of migratory experiences in the country as a whole and as a core element of national history, experiences of migration in both directions. The statistics speak for themselves: of the 4.660.427 persons who left Italy between 1880 and 1950, 2.322.451 have returned, almost exactly 50%. To those have to be added 3.628.430 returnees of the 5.109.860 emigrants who left Italy between the end of World War II and 1976 for Europe alone. Attitudes towards people leaving changed ostensibly over time. In the first two decades after Unification parliament on the one hand wanted to show some concern over the fate of its citizens, not wanting to abandon those newly created citizens entirely to their own destiny, while on the other portraying their decisions to emigrate as expressions of individual liberty and responsibility and not necessitated by want and poverty. Emigrants had to prove, paradoxically that they had the requisite means to emigrate when in fact poverty was largely driving them to emigrate. To admit that publicly would have amounted to admission of economic and political failure made evident through emigration. In contrast to that Mussolini’s emigration policies not only enforced large population movements within the territory of Italy to balance unemployment between regions and particularly between North and South, but also declared it citizen’s duty to be ready to move also to the colonies, thereby ‘turning emigration as a sign of social crisis into a sign of national strength and the success of the country’s political agenda’ (Gaspari 2001, p. 34). The duplicity continued even after World War II when secret deals were done with the USA to allow a continuous flow of Italian immigrants and EU membership obviously further facilitated the departure of unemployed, impoverished Italians. With the growing prosperity of Italy the reversal of the direction of migration became more obvious. On the basis of empirical research conducted by one of the author on returning emigrants four types of motives for returning can be distinguished: 1. Return as a result of failure – particularly the emigrants who left during the 1950-1970 period usually had no linguistic preparation, and in any case the gap between the spoken and the written language is enormous with the latter often being insurmountable. This gives rise to nostalgic sentiments which motivates a return into an environment where language is familiar 2. Return as a means of preserving an identity – the life of emigrants often takes place within ghetto-like conditions where familiarity is being reproduced but under restricted conditions and hence not entirely authentic. The necessity for saving money permits only a partial entry into the host society and at the same time any accumulating savings add to the desire to return home where life can be lived fully again – or so it seems. 3. Return of investment – the impossibility to become fully part of another society often motivates migrants to accumulate not so much material wealth but new experiences and competences which they then aim to reinvest in their home country. 4. Return to retire – for many emigrants returning home becomes acute once they leave a productive occupation and feelings of estrangement build up, in conjunction with the efforts of having invested in building a house back home. All those motives are associated with a variety of difficulties on the actual return home because, above all, time in relation to the country of origin has been suspended for the emigrant and the encounter with the reality of that country reveals constant discrepancies and requires constant readjustment. This is where the need for assistance to returning emigrants arises. The fact that such an important centre of assistance has been closed is further confirmation of the still prevailing politics of ambiguity which nominally demand integration from nationals and non-nationals alike but deny the means of achieving this. Citizenship is not a natural result of nationality but requires the means for active participation in society. Furthermore, the experiences of returning immigrants provide important cues for the double ambivalence in which immigrants to Italy live between the demands made on them to integrate, the simultaneous threats of repatriation and the alienation from the immigrants’ home country which grows inexorably during the absence. The state can only regain its credibility by putting an end to this ambiguity and provide to returning emigrants, and immigrants alike, the means of reconstructing strong communal identities.

Impacts of out-migration on land management in mountain areas

INTRODUCTION Out-migration from mountain areas is leaving behind half families and elderly to deal with managing the land alongside daily life challenges. A potential reduction of labour force as well as expertise on cropping practices, maintenance of terraces and irrigation canals, slope stabilization, grazing, forest and other land management practices are further challenged by changing climate conditions and increased environmental threats. An understanding of the resilience of managed land resources in order to enhance adaptation to environmental and socio-economic variability, and evidence of the impact of Sustainable Land Management (SLM) on the mitigation of environmental threats have so far not sufficiently been tackled. The study presented here aims to find out how land management in mountains is being affected by migration in the context of natural hazards and climate change in two study sites, namely Quillacollo District of Bolivia and Panchase area of Western Nepal, and which measures are needed to increase resilience of livelihoods and land management practices. The presentation includes draft results from first field work periods in both sites. A context of high vulnerability According to UNISDR, vulnerability is defined as “the characteristics and circumstances of a community, system or asset that make it susceptible to the damaging effects of a hazard”.Hazards are another threat affecting people’s livelihood in mountainous area. They can be either natural or human induced. Landslides, debris flow and flood are affecting peopleGood land management can significantly reduce occurrence of hazards. In the opposite bad land management or land abandonment can lead to negative consequences on the land, and thus again increase vulnerability of people’s livelihoods. METHODS The study integrates bio-physical and socio-economic data through a case study as well as a mapping approach. From the social sciences, well-tested participatory qualitative methodologies, typically used in Vulnerability and Capacity Analyses, such as semi-structured interviews with so-called ‘key informants’, transect walks, participatory risk and social resource mapping are applied. The bio-physical analysis of the current environmental conditions determining hazards and structural vulnerability are obtained from remote sensing analysis, field work studies, and GIS analysis The assessment of the consequences of migration in the area of origin is linked with a mapping and appraisal of land management practices (www.wocat.net, Schwilch et al., 2011). The WOCAT mapping tool (WOCAT/LADA/DESIRE 2008) allows capturing the major land management practices / technologies, their spread, effectiveness and impact within a selected area. Data drawn from a variety of sources are compiled and harmonised by a team of experts, consisting of land degradation and conservation specialists working in consultation with land users from various backgrounds. The specialists’ and land users’ knowledge is combined with existing datasets and documents (maps, GIS layers, high-resolution satellite images, etc.) in workshops that are designed to build consensus regarding the variables used to assess land degradation and SLM. This process is also referred to as participatory expert assessment or consensus mapping. The WOCAT mapping and SLM documentation methodologies are used together with participatory mapping and other socio-economic data collection (interviews, questionnaires, focus group discussions, expert consultation) to combine information about migration types and land management issues. GIS and other spatial visualization tools (e.g. Google maps) will help to represent and understand these links. FIRST RESULTS Nepal In Nepal, migration is a common strategy to improve the livelihoods. Migrants are mostly men and they migrate to other Asian countries, first to India and then to the Gulf countries. Only a few women are migrating abroad. Women migrate essentially to main Nepali cities when they can afford it. Remittances are used primarily for food and education; however they are hardly used for agricultural purposes. Besides traditional agriculture being maintained, only few new practices are emerging, such as vegetable farming or agroforestry. The land abandonment is a growing consequence of outmigration, resulting in the spreading of invasive species. However, most impacts of migration on land management are not yet clear. Moreover, education is a major concern for the respondents; they want their children having a better education and get better opportunities. Linked to this, unemployment is another major concern of the respondents, which in turn is “solved” through outmigration. Bolivia Migration is a common livelihood strategy in Bolivia. In the area of study, whole families are migrating downward to the cities of the valleys or to other departments of Bolivia, especially to Chapare (tropics) for the coca production and to Santa Cruz. Some young people are migrating abroad, mostly to Argentina. There are few remittances and if those are sent to the families in the mountain areas, then they are mainly used for agriculture purpose. The impacts of migration on land management practices are not clear although there are some important aspects to be underlined. The people who move downward are still using their land and coming back during part of the week to work on it. As a consequence of this multi-residency, there is a tendency to reduce land management work or to change the way the land is used. As in Nepal, education is a very important issue in this area. There is no secondary school, and only one community has a primary school. After the 6th grade students have therefore to go down into the valley towns to study. The lack of basic education is pushing more and more people to move down and to leave the mountains. CONCLUSIONS This study is on-going, more data have to be collected to clearly assess the impacts of out-migration on land management in mountain areas. The first results of the study allow us to present a few interesting findings. The two case studies are very different, however in both areas, young people are not staying anymore in the mountains and leave behind half families and elderly to manage the land. Additionally in both cases education is a major reason for moving out, even though the causes are not always the same. More specifically, in the case of Nepal, the use of remittances underlines the fact that investment in agriculture is not the first choice of a family. In the case of Bolivia, some interesting findings showed that people continue to work on their lands even if they move downward. The further steps of the study will help to explore these interesting issues in more detail. REFERENCES Schwilch G., Bestelmeyer B., Bunning S., Critchley W., Herrick J., Kellner K., Liniger H.P., Nachtergaele F., Ritsema C.J., Schuster B., Tabo R., van Lynden G., Winslow M. 2011. Experiences in Monitoring and Assessment of Sustainable Land Management. Land Degradation & Development 22 (2), 214-225. Doi 10.1002/ldr.1040 WOCAT/LADA/DESIRE 2008. A Questionnaire for Mapping Land Degradation and Sustainable Land Management. Liniger H.P., van Lynden G., Nachtergaele F., Schwilch G. (eds), Centre for Development and Environment, Institute of Geography, University of Berne, Berne

Todo era América: Despoblación rural y políticas de inmigración (1850-1930)

Hasta principios del siglo XX la región de Castilla y León no figuraba en el cómputo de las regiones migratorias, situadas básicamente en la periferia mediterránea o en el noroeste español. En este texto se examinan brevemente las causas de este débil pulso migratorio como las que provocaron luego el éxodo masivo a América. Se exponen luego muy sumariamente las políticas migratorias de Argentina, Cuba y Brasil, principales países a los que se dirigían los castellanos. Teniendo en cuenta la decisiva importancia que la emigración española desempeñó en la formación del mercado de trabajo, podremos conocer mejor la evolución del fenómeno migratorio si examinamos cuándo y por qué se plantearon las distintas políticas de inmigración. Finalmente se analiza cómo se concretaron esas políticas de inmigración para conocer los grados de preferencia por un tipo u otro de emigrantes.

¿Campesinos o asalariados rurales? Una caracterización social actual de las familias rurales del Departamento de Atamisqui, Santiago del Estero

Suele afirmarse que Santiago del Estero concentra un elevado número de campesinos. En este artículo presentamos una primera aproximación al tema con el propósito de comenzar a desmitificar dicha idea. Para ello, recurrimos a datos arrojados por el Formulario de Caracterización Familiar del PROINDER, año 2009 -ejecutado desde la Subsecretaría de Desarrollo Rural y Agricultura Familiar de Santiago del Estero- y entrevistas realizadas en parajes rurales del departamento de Atamisqui en abril del 2010. El Formulario utilizado nos permite, entre otras cosas, mensurar el peso que las distintas fuentes de ingreso tienen en el total del ingreso familiar. Esto, junto a los testimonios recogidos en las entrevistas, nos permite conocer de qué viven las familias analizadas. Se observa que el sustento más importante proviene del trabajo estacional asalariado desarrollado en distintas actividades rurales (aunque especialmente en el desflore de maíz y la cosecha de arándanos) y de transferencias diversas (jubilaciones, beneficios sociales, remesas). Estos datos nos estarían indicando, en este caso particular, que el sujeto habitualmente caracterizado como campesinado esconde, en realidad, a la clase obrera rural atamisqueña

Todo era América: Despoblación rural y políticas de inmigración (1850-1930)

Hasta principios del siglo XX la región de Castilla y León no figuraba en el cómputo de las regiones migratorias, situadas básicamente en la periferia mediterránea o en el noroeste español. En este texto se examinan brevemente las causas de este débil pulso migratorio como las que provocaron luego el éxodo masivo a América. Se exponen luego muy sumariamente las políticas migratorias de Argentina, Cuba y Brasil, principales países a los que se dirigían los castellanos. Teniendo en cuenta la decisiva importancia que la emigración española desempeñó en la formación del mercado de trabajo, podremos conocer mejor la evolución del fenómeno migratorio si examinamos cuándo y por qué se plantearon las distintas políticas de inmigración. Finalmente se analiza cómo se concretaron esas políticas de inmigración para conocer los grados de preferencia por un tipo u otro de emigrantes.

¿Campesinos o asalariados rurales? Una caracterización social actual de las familias rurales del Departamento de Atamisqui, Santiago del Estero

Suele afirmarse que Santiago del Estero concentra un elevado número de campesinos. En este artículo presentamos una primera aproximación al tema con el propósito de comenzar a desmitificar dicha idea. Para ello, recurrimos a datos arrojados por el Formulario de Caracterización Familiar del PROINDER, año 2009 -ejecutado desde la Subsecretaría de Desarrollo Rural y Agricultura Familiar de Santiago del Estero- y entrevistas realizadas en parajes rurales del departamento de Atamisqui en abril del 2010. El Formulario utilizado nos permite, entre otras cosas, mensurar el peso que las distintas fuentes de ingreso tienen en el total del ingreso familiar. Esto, junto a los testimonios recogidos en las entrevistas, nos permite conocer de qué viven las familias analizadas. Se observa que el sustento más importante proviene del trabajo estacional asalariado desarrollado en distintas actividades rurales (aunque especialmente en el desflore de maíz y la cosecha de arándanos) y de transferencias diversas (jubilaciones, beneficios sociales, remesas). Estos datos nos estarían indicando, en este caso particular, que el sujeto habitualmente caracterizado como campesinado esconde, en realidad, a la clase obrera rural atamisqueña

Todo era América: Despoblación rural y políticas de inmigración (1850-1930)

Hasta principios del siglo XX la región de Castilla y León no figuraba en el cómputo de las regiones migratorias, situadas básicamente en la periferia mediterránea o en el noroeste español. En este texto se examinan brevemente las causas de este débil pulso migratorio como las que provocaron luego el éxodo masivo a América. Se exponen luego muy sumariamente las políticas migratorias de Argentina, Cuba y Brasil, principales países a los que se dirigían los castellanos. Teniendo en cuenta la decisiva importancia que la emigración española desempeñó en la formación del mercado de trabajo, podremos conocer mejor la evolución del fenómeno migratorio si examinamos cuándo y por qué se plantearon las distintas políticas de inmigración. Finalmente se analiza cómo se concretaron esas políticas de inmigración para conocer los grados de preferencia por un tipo u otro de emigrantes.

¿Campesinos o asalariados rurales? Una caracterización social actual de las familias rurales del Departamento de Atamisqui, Santiago del Estero

Suele afirmarse que Santiago del Estero concentra un elevado número de campesinos. En este artículo presentamos una primera aproximación al tema con el propósito de comenzar a desmitificar dicha idea. Para ello, recurrimos a datos arrojados por el Formulario de Caracterización Familiar del PROINDER, año 2009 -ejecutado desde la Subsecretaría de Desarrollo Rural y Agricultura Familiar de Santiago del Estero- y entrevistas realizadas en parajes rurales del departamento de Atamisqui en abril del 2010. El Formulario utilizado nos permite, entre otras cosas, mensurar el peso que las distintas fuentes de ingreso tienen en el total del ingreso familiar. Esto, junto a los testimonios recogidos en las entrevistas, nos permite conocer de qué viven las familias analizadas. Se observa que el sustento más importante proviene del trabajo estacional asalariado desarrollado en distintas actividades rurales (aunque especialmente en el desflore de maíz y la cosecha de arándanos) y de transferencias diversas (jubilaciones, beneficios sociales, remesas). Estos datos nos estarían indicando, en este caso particular, que el sujeto habitualmente caracterizado como campesinado esconde, en realidad, a la clase obrera rural atamisqueña

アラブ首長国連邦の対イラン経済関係と今後の展望

This paper investigates the changes in economic relations between Iran and the UAE, which historically has continued maintaining close economic intercourse with Iran in the Gulf Area, examining the prospects for change in their relationships in the future. By focusing on their trade relations and workers' remittances among the GCC and Iran, this paper discusses changes in their economic linkages. The result of the analysis shows that the economic linkages with the UAE were closer with Iran than other GCC countries during the period 2000 - 2014.

Migraciones interregionales en España (1960-1989): cambios y barreras

En este trabajo se analizan los cambios en el patrón de las migraciones interiores españolas a lo largo del período 1960-1989. De forma preliminar y de acuerdo con las teorías explicativas de los flujos migratorios, se contrasta econométricamente la consistencia de estos cambios con la existencia de sistemas regionales económicamente desequilibrados versus sistemas regionales con diferencias compensadoras. Como resultado, se encuentra que a pesar de la reciente intensificación de las migraciones interiores y a diferencia de lo sucedido en otras etapas y bajo otras circunstancias, ahora no se debería confiar en que los movimientos migratorios puedan contribuir al acercamiento a la media nacional de las regiones con tasas de desempleo más elevadas. Esta vía podría haberse agotado en la medida en que el peso de las barreras procedentes de los mercados de trabajo y de los mercados inmobiliarios es creciente y, paradójicamente, ha generado flujos inte-rregionales equilibrados y no polarizados. Si, además, la posibilidad de que la emigración cumpla un papel dinamizador del ajuste económico se ve afectada por el componente de desempleo de los trabajadores que se desplazan, entonces las políticas públicas no deberían centrarse en la incentivación de los flujos de forma indiscriminada sino, más bien, en los aspectos microeconómicos referentes a la disponibilidad de información, la orientación y la capacitación de los potenciales trabajadores emigrantes.