975 resultados para Discussions forums
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BACKGROUND: Adults use the Internet for weight loss information, sometimes by participating in discussion forums. Our purpose was to analyze the quality of advice exchanged on these forums. METHODS: This was a retrospective analysis of messages posted to 18 Internet weight loss forums during 1 month in 2006. Advice was evaluated for congruence with clinical guidelines; potential for causing harm; and subsequent correction when it was contradictory to guidelines (erroneous) or potentially harmful. Message- and forum-specific characteristics were evaluated as predictors of advice quality and self-correction. RESULTS: Of 3368 initial messages, 266 (7.9%) were requests for advice. Of 654 provisions of advice, 56 (8.6%) were erroneous and 19 of these 56 (34%) were subsequently corrected. Forty-three (6.6%) provisions of advice were harmful, and 12 of these 43 (28%) were subsequently corrected. Messages from low-activity forums (fewer messages) were more likely than those from high-activity forums to be erroneous (10.6% vs 2.4%, P < .001) or harmful (8.4% vs 1.2%, P < .001). In high-activity forums, 2 of 4 (50%) erroneous provisions of advice and 2 of 2 (100%) potentially harmful provisions of advice were corrected by subsequent postings. Compared with general weight loss advice, medication-related advice was more likely to be erroneous (P = .02) or harmful (P = .01). CONCLUSIONS: Most advice posted on highly active Internet weight loss forums is not erroneous or harmful. However, clinical and research strategies are needed to address the quality of medication-related advice.
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BACKGROUND: Adults use the Internet for weight loss information, sometimes by participating in discussion forums. Our purpose was to analyze the quality of advice exchanged on these forums. METHODS: This was a retrospective analysis of messages posted to 18 Internet weight loss forums during 1 month in 2006. Advice was evaluated for congruence with clinical guidelines; potential for causing harm; and subsequent correction when it was contradictory to guidelines (erroneous) or potentially harmful. Message- and forum-specific characteristics were evaluated as predictors of advice quality and self-correction. RESULTS: Of 3368 initial messages, 266 (7.9%) were requests for advice. Of 654 provisions of advice, 56 (8.6%) were erroneous and 19 of these 56 (34%) were subsequently corrected. Forty-three (6.6%) provisions of advice were harmful, and 12 of these 43 (28%) were subsequently corrected. Messages from low-activity forums (fewer messages) were more likely than those from high-activity forums to be erroneous (10.6% vs 2.4%, P < .001) or harmful (8.4% vs 1.2%, P < .001). In high-activity forums, 2 of 4 (50%) erroneous provisions of advice and 2 of 2 (100%) potentially harmful provisions of advice were corrected by subsequent postings. Compared with general weight loss advice, medication-related advice was more likely to be erroneous (P = .02) or harmful (P = .01). CONCLUSIONS: Most advice posted on highly active Internet weight loss forums is not erroneous or harmful. However, clinical and research strategies are needed to address the quality of medication-related advice.
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Policy forums are issue-based intermediary organizations where diverse types of political and societal actors repeatedly interact. Policy forums are important elements of modern governance systems as they allow actors to learn, negotiate, or build trust. They can vary in composition, size, membership logic, and other distinct features. This article lays the foundation of a theory of policy forums based on three interrelated elements: First, it discusses conditions for the formation of a forum and describes the logic of these organizations as one of an asymmetric multipartite exchange. Second, it enumerates the potential set of goals and motivations of participating actors that are fed into this exchange. Third, it proposes eight different dimensions on which policy forums differ and which affect the exchange mechanisms among actors. We claim that empirical work on policy forums should systematically take these elements into account and propose elements of a research agenda.
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In this translation draft of the first part of the author's recently-published book in Japanese, entitled as "Rural-cities in Contemporary Iran: Revolution, War and the Structural Changes in the Rural Society," we are presenting the preliminary discussions on Iranian middle-sized cities and towns which emerged in these 30 years or so. We start from the explanations of the contents of the above-mentioned book and do the reviewing of the preceding studies, followed by the critical review of the studies on the Iranian revolution in 1979, and the studies on Iran's recent political trends and the tendencies towards the local governance, which was tempered and collapsed with the appearance of President Ahmadīnejād. This consists of the Introduction and the first parts of Chapter 1 of our book, and we are expecting to finish translating the whole contents and to publish it in the near future. We apologize for the shortcomings of this paper, for example some partial lack of correspondence of its bibliography with the main contents, mainly because of the technical reasons.
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In the Viewpoints section, academics, practitioners and experts share their perspectives on policy questions relevant to sustainable development. In this issue, experts address the question: “Is the concept of a green economy a useful way of framing policy discussions and policymaking to promote sustainable development?
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La participación de los jóvenes en los procesos de planificación urbana en Lisboa, Madrid y Fortaleza ha sido tema central de la presente tesis. Los principales objetivos perseguidos consisten en: caracterizar y analizar críticamente las dimensiones más importantes de la participación de jóvenes universitarios en los procesos participativos; aportar características de interés juvenil para un “modelo” de planificación urbana; elaborar directrices para el diseño de actuaciones en un proceso urbano participativo desde la perspectiva de los jóvenes; establecer el alcance de un instrumento urbano participativo reglamentado por el gobierno local entre los jóvenes; determinar si la percepción de los jóvenes universitarios acerca de las acciones del gobierno local tiene influencia en los procesos participativos. El universo estadístico de la muestra lo conforman la totalidad de 737 jóvenes universitarios encuestados en Lisboa, Madrid y Fortaleza. Que se distribuye en 104 encuestados en Lisboa, 329 en Madrid, y 304 en la ciudad de Fortaleza. El cuestionario contiene preguntas: abiertas, cerradas y mixtas. La mayor parte de las cuestiones son cerradas, y en cuanto a las opciones de respuesta: en muchas preguntas se ha aplicado, una escala tipo Likert, entre 1 y 4, siendo 4 el grado más alto (totalmente de acuerdo), y 1 el grado más bajo (nada de acuerdo), y para otras, una opción múltiple, con solamente una opción de respuesta. Se realizó un cuestionario de 31 preguntas en Lisboa, y tras su aplicación y obtención de resultados se revisó y mejoró obteniendo un cuestionario de 23 preguntas que fue aplicado en Madrid y Fortaleza. Se realizan análisis descriptivos, y algún análisis factorial en diversas preguntas del cuestionario, y se estudian diferencias en función de las variables sociodemográficas planteadas. Los resultados constatan que es muy baja la participación en los procesos institucionalizados por el gobierno local, en contrapartida es bastante alta en los procesos organizados por los ciudadanos. La información limita la participación de los jóvenes y ya que estos reconocen como motivación estar más y mejor informados y controlar y acompañar las acciones de su gobierno local. Por otra parte, desean participar en grupo en foros y debates presenciales. Los jóvenes madrileños consideran que las etapas más importantes en un proceso urbano participativo son: información, seguimiento y evaluación, mientras que para los jóvenes de Fortaleza son: Fiscalización, concienciación e información. Se ha verificado que desde la percepción de los jóvenes de Lisboa los ciudadanos son consultados en los procesos urbanos participativos y de acuerdo con los jóvenes de Madrid y Fortaleza los ciudadanos son dirigidos, influenciados y manipulados. Los problemas de carácter urbano no tienen una conceptualización clara y precisa entre los jóvenes universitarios y los problemas urbanos que más afectan la vida de los jóvenes universitarios son aparcamientos, contaminación y seguridad urbana. Sin embargo, los transportes son apuntados por los jóvenes universitarios de Lisboa, Madrid y Fortaleza. Además no saben identificar los problemas de su barrio. Así como de las causas y consecuencias y soluciones de los problemas urbanos. Eligen como mejor estrategia para desarrollar un proceso urbano participativo el acuerdo entre técnicos, población y el gobierno local. Los jóvenes universitarios de Fortaleza apuntan directrices para una planificación urbana con énfasis en la seguridad urbana, la sostenibilidad y la investigación, tecnología e innovación. Por otro lado, los jóvenes universitarios de Madrid perfilan tres “modelos” de planificación urbana: un “Modelo” socio-económica, un “Modelo” sostenible e innovadora y un “Modelo” de Planificación Urbana con énfasis en espacios públicos, entretenimiento, seguridad urbana y deporte. Los jóvenes universitarios rechazan la idea que la planificación urbana lleva en cuenta sus perspectivas y opiniones. Respeto al Presupuesto Participativo, el alcance de dicho proceso entre los jóvenes universitarios es extremamente bajo. Sin embargo, opinan que la aproximación entre ciudadanos, técnicos y gobierno en los procesos de Presupuesto Participativo mejora la rendición de cuentas. Además los jóvenes creen que dichos procesos conceden un poder moderado a los ciudadanos, y consideran que el poder concedido en los procesos urbanos influye directamente en el interés y empeño en participar. ABSTRACT Youth participation in urban planning processes in Lisbon, Madrid and Fortaleza is the main subject of this thesis. Our key goals are the following: characterising and critically analysing the most important dimensions of young university students’ participation in participative processes; providing features of interest for the young for an urban planning “model”; developing a variety of guidelines for designing actions in a participative urban process from the perspective of young people; analysing the impact upon the young of a participative urban instrument implemented by the local government; determining whether young university students’ perception of local government actions influences participative processes. The statistical universe of the sample comprises a total of 737 young university students who were surveyed in Lisbon, Madrid and Fortaleza, distributed as follows: 104 respondents in Lisbon, 329 in Madrid, and 304 in Fortaleza. The survey is made up of open-ended, closed-ended and mixed questions. Most questions are closed-ended. Regarding the answer options, a Likert-type scale has been used in many questions. The scale ranges from 1 to 4, 4 being the highest value (completely agree) and 1 the lowest (completely disagree). Besides, there are multiple-choice questions with only one possible answer. A 31- question survey was conducted in Lisbon. After the survey was run and the results were obtained, it was reviewed and improved. The improved version was a 23- question survey which was conducted in Madrid and Fortaleza. Descriptive analyses as well as some factorial analyses are carried out in several questions, and differences are studied depending on the socio-demographic variables involved. The results show that participation in processes implemented by local governments is very low. In contrast, participation is quite high in processes organised by citizens. Information limits youth participation, as young people point out that they are motivated by more and better information and by the possibility of monitoring and keeping track of their local government actions. They also wish to take part in face-to-face group forums and discussions. Young people from Madrid think that the most important stages in participative urban processes are information, follow-up and assessment, whereas young people from Fortaleza highlight tax matters, awareness and information. It has been confirmed that Lisbon youth perceive that citizens are consulted in participative urban processes. Youth from Madrid and Fortaleza, on the other hand, state that citizens are directed, influenced and manipulated. Young university students do not have a clear, precise concept of urban problems. Among these, they are most affected by car parks, pollution and urban safety, but the transport problem is pointed out by young university students from Lisbon, Madrid and Fortaleza. Furthermore, they cannot identify the problems in their neighbourhoods, nor are they able to specify the causes, consequences and solutions of urban problems. Their preferred strategy for developing a participative urban process is an agreement between technicians, the population and the local government. Young university students from Fortaleza suggest guidelines for an urban planning approach emphasising urban safety, sustainability and research, technology and innovation. Those from Madrid, for their part, outline three urban planning “models”: a socioeconomic “model”, a sustainable and innovative “model”, and an urban planning “model” with a focus on public areas, entertainment, urban safety and sport. Young university students disagree that urban planning takes their perspectives and views into account. Moreover, the impact of the Participative Budget upon their lives is extremely low. In their opinion, however, closer collaboration between citizens, technicians and governments in Participative Budget processes promotes accountability. The young also think that these processes give moderate power to citizens, and in their view the power that can be exerted in urban processes directly influences the interest in participating and the will to do so.
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A fim de refletirmos sobre as condições de produção na contemporaneidade, propomos discussões e análises em torno do funcionamento dos recursos de personalização de conteúdos na Internet que impõem filtros aos usuários. Para isso, mobilizamos a teoria de Análise do Discurso de linha francesa, sobretudo a partir dos trabalhos de Michel Pêcheux. Delimitamos a observação do funcionamento de tais recursos no mecanismo de busca do Google, uma vez que ele representa uma das maiores corporações na Internet e detém a maior parte do mercado de buscas. A partir dessa delimitação, selecionamos o corpus de análise oriundo da política de privacidade do buscador, de definições dadas pela empresa sobre o funcionamento de tais recursos e de relatos sobre esse funcionamento postados por usuários e disseminados na rede. Acreditamos que a análise do funcionamento dessas técnicas nos dizem sobre as condições de produção do discurso na contemporaneidade, bem como das materialidades discursivas que lhes são peculiares, compreendendo que é pela influência materialista que se chega, na Análise do Discurso, a noção de materialidade discursiva. Temos, dessa forma, contemplada uma discussão sobre história, sujeito e língua que fundamenta o funcionamento da ideologia. Ainda nesse ínterim, propomos pensar o discurso ressaltando o que concerne à memória, bem como as questões que decorrem ao considerarmos seu funcionamento perpassado pelas Tecnologias de Informação e Comunicação (TIC\'s), o que nos move a refletir sobre o discurso eletrônico e a memória metálica. Tudo isso nos mostra os efeitos discursivos dos filtros que giram em torno do controle na rede, característica que tem marcado as relações de poder no cenário atual.