Viruses of banana in East Africa

Bananas are one of the world's most important food crops, providing sustenance and income for millions of people in developing countries and supporting large export industries. Viruses are considered major constraints to banana production, germplasm multiplication and exchange, and to genetic improvement of banana through traditional breeding. In Africa, the two most important virus diseases are bunchy top, caused by Banana bunchy top virus (BBTV), and banana streak disease, caused by Banana streak virus (BSV). BBTV is a serious production constraint in a number of countries within/bordering East Africa, such as Burundi, Democratic Republic of Congo, Malawi, Mozambique, Rwanda and Zambia, but is not present in Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda. Additionally, epidemics of banana streak disease are occurring in Kenya and Uganda. The rapidly growing tissue culture (TC) industry within East Africa, aiming to provide planting material to banana farmers, has stimulated discussion about the need for virus indexing to certify planting material as virus-free. Diagnostic methods for BBTV and BSV have been reported and, for BBTV, PCR-based assays are reliable and relatively straightforward. However for BSV, high levels of serological and genetic variability and the presence of endogenous virus sequences within the banana genome complicate diagnosis. Uganda has been shown to contain the greatest diversity in BSV isolates found anywhere in the world. A broad-spectrum diagnostic test for BSV detection, which can discriminate between endogenous and episomal BSV sequences, is a priority. This PhD project aimed to establish diagnostic methods for banana viruses, with a particular focus on the development of novel methods for BSV detection, and to use these diagnostic methods for the detection and characterisation of banana viruses in East Africa. A novel rolling-circle amplification (RCA) method was developed for the detection of BSV. Using samples of Banana streak MY virus (BSMYV) and Banana streak OL virus (BSOLV) from Australia, this method was shown to distinguish between endogenous and episomal BSV sequences in banana plants. The RCA assay was used to screen a collection of 56 banana samples from south-west Uganda for BSV. RCA detected at least five distinct BSV isolates in these samples, including BSOLV and Banana streak GF virus (BSGFV) as well as three BSV isolates (Banana streak Uganda-I, -L and -M virus) for which only partial sequences had been previously reported. These latter three BSV had only been detected using immuno-capture (IC)-PCR and thus were possible endogenous sequences. In addition to its ability to detect BSV, the RCA protocol was also demonstrated to detect other viruses within the family Caulimoviridae, including Sugar cane bacilliform virus, and Cauliflower mosaic virus. Using the novel RCA method, three distinct BSV isolates from both Kenya and Uganda were identified and characterised. The complete genome of these isolates was sequenced and annotated. All six isolates were shown to have a characteristic badnavirus genome organisation with three open reading frames (ORFs) and the large polyprotein encoded by ORF 3 was shown to contain conserved amino acid motifs for movement, aspartic protease, reverse transcriptase and ribonuclease H activities. As well, several sequences important for expression and replication of the virus genome were identified including the conserved tRNAmet primer binding site present in the intergenic region of all badnaviruses. Based on the International Committee on Taxonomy of Viruses (ICTV) guidelines for species demarcation in the genus Badnavirus, these six isolates were proposed as distinct species, and named Banana streak UA virus (BSUAV), Banana streak UI virus (BSUIV), Banana streak UL virus (BSULV), Banana streak UM virus (BSUMV), Banana streak CA virus (BSCAV) and Banana streak IM virus (BSIMV). Using PCR with species-specific primers designed to each isolate, a genotypically diverse collection of 12 virus-free banana cultivars were tested for the presence of endogenous sequences. For five of the BSV no amplification was observed in any cultivar tested, while for BSIMV, four positive samples were identified in cultivars with a B-genome component. During field visits to Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda, 143 samples were collected and assayed for BSV. PCR using nine sets of species-specific primers, and RCA, were compared for BSV detection. For five BSV species with no known endogenous counterpart (namely BSCAV, BSUAV, BSUIV, BSULV and BSUMV), PCR was used to detect 30 infections from the 143 samples. Using RCA, 96.4% of these samples were considered positive, with one additional sample detected using RCA which was not positive using PCR. For these five BSV, PCR and RCA were both useful for identifying infected samples, irrespective of the host cultivar genotype (Musa A- or B-genome components). For four additional BSV with known endogenous counterparts in the M. balbisiana genome (BSOLV, BSGFV, BSMYV and BSIMV), PCR was shown to detect 75 infections from the 143 samples. In 30 samples from cultivars with an A-only genome component there was 96.3% agreement between PCR positive samples and detection using RCA, again demonstrating either PCR or RCA are suitable methods for detection. However, in 45 samples from cultivars with some B-genome component, the level of agreement between PCR positive samples and RCA positive samples was 70.5%. This suggests that, in cultivars with some B-genome component, many infections were detected using PCR which were the result of amplification of endogenous sequences. In these latter cases, RCA or another method which discriminates between endogenous and episomal sequences, such as immuno-capture PCR, is needed to diagnose episomal BSV infection. Field visits were made to Malawi and Rwanda to collect local isolates of BBTV for validation of a PCR-based diagnostic assay. The presence of BBTV in samples of bananas with bunchy top disease was confirmed in 28 out of 39 samples from Malawi and all nine samples collected in Rwanda, using PCR and RCA. For three isolates, one from Malawi and two from Rwanda, the complete nucleotide sequences were determined and shown to have a similar genome organisation to previously published BBTV isolates. The two isolates from Rwanda had at least 98.1% nucleotide sequence identity between each of the six DNA components, while the similarity between isolates from Rwanda and Malawi was between 96.2% and 99.4% depending on the DNA component. At the amino acid level, similarities in the putative proteins encoded by DNA-R, -S, -M, - C and -N were found to range between 98.8% to 100%. In a phylogenetic analysis, the three East African isolates clustered together within the South Pacific subgroup of BBTV isolates. Nucleotide sequence comparison to isolates of BBTV from outside Africa identified India as the possible origin of East African isolates of BBTV.

Breastfeeding beliefs and practices of African women living in Brisbane and Perth, Australia

The purpose of this study was to explore the experience of breastfeeding among refugee women from Liberia, Sierra Leone, Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo living in two major capital cities in Australia. Participants were recruited from their relevant community associations and via a snowballing technique. Thirty-one women took part in either individual interviews or facilitated group discussions to explore their experiences of breastfeeding in their home country and in Australia. Thematic analysis revealed four main themes: cultural breastfeeding beliefs and practices; stigma and shame around breastfeeding in public; ambivalence towards breastfeeding and breastfeeding support. Women who originated from these four African countries highlighted a significant desire for breastfeeding and an understanding that it was the best method for feeding their infants. Their breastfeeding practices in Australia were a combination of practices maintained from their countries of origin and those adopted according to Australian cultural norms. They exemplified the complexity of breastfeeding behaviour and the relationship between infant feeding with economic status and the perceived social norms of the host country. The results illustrate the need for policy makers and health professionals to take into consideration the environmental, social and cultural contexts of the women who are purportedly targeted for the promotion of breastfeeding.

How the environment affects opportunity recognition by entrepreneurs at the bottom of the pyramid

There is an army of bottom of the pyramid entrepreneurs (BOPE) who have the potential to transform developing economies, if they can identify and exploit business opportunities. BOPE could have unidentified resources that could lead to the recognition of radical new opportunities. This study paper asks how environmental factors and identification of resources affect Opportunity Recognition by BOP entrepreneurs in developing economies. To investigate this research question we conduct a literature review and plan semi-structured interviews of existing and nascent entrepreneurs in the largest and arguably the poorest country in Africa, the Democratic Republic of the Congo. In this paper we review the context of BOPE and describe the methodology we will use to gather and analyse data. Finally, we describe our access to suitable respondents for this study and how it will be conducted.

Complexity Development Theory and enterprise development at the bottom of the pyramid

In 2001 45% (2.7 billion) of the world’s population of approximately 6.1 billion lived in ‘moderate poverty’ on less than US $ 2 per person per day (World Population Summary, 2012). In the last 60 years there have been many theories attempting to explain development, why some countries have the fastest growth in history, while others stagnate and so far no way has been found to explain the differences. Traditional views imply that development is the aggregation of successes from multiple individual business enterprises, but this ignores the interactions between and among institutions, organisations and individuals in the economy, which can often have unpredictable effects. Complexity Development Theory proposes that by viewing development as an emergent property of society, we can help create better development programs at the organisational, institutional and national levels. This paper asks how the principals of CAS can be used to develop CDT principals used to develop and operate development programs at the bottom of the pyramid in developing economies. To investigate this research question we conduct a literature review to define and describe CDT and create propositions for testing. We illustrate these propositions using a case study of an Asset Based Community Development (ABCD) Program for existing and nascent entrepreneurs in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). We found evidence that all the principals of CDT were related to the characteristics of CAS. If this is the case, development programs will be able to select which CAS needed to test these propositions.

Forest governance and climate change adaptation : Case studies of four African countries

Africa is threatened by climate change. The adaptive capacity of local communities continues to be weakened by ineffective and inefficient livelihood strategies and inappropriate development interventions. One of the greatest challenges for climate change adaptation in Africa is related to the governance of natural resources used by vulnerable poor groups as assets for adaptation. Practical and good governance activities for adaptation in Africa is urgently and much needed to support adaptation actions, interventions and planning. The adaptation role of forests has not been as prominent in the international discourse and actions as their mitigation role. This study therefore focused on the forest as one of the natural resources used for adaptation. The general objective of this research was to assess the extent to which cases of current forest governance practices in four African countries Burkina Faso, The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Ghana and Sudan are supportive to the adaptation of vulnerable societies and ecosystems to impacts of climate change. Qualitative and quantitative analyses from surveys, expert consultations and group discussions were used in analysing the case studies. The entire research was guided by three conceptual sets of thinking forest governance, climate change vulnerability and ecosystem services. Data for the research were collected from selected ongoing forestry activities and programmes. The study mainly dealt with forest management policies and practices that can improve the adaptation of forest ecosystems (Study I) and the adaptive capacity through the management of forest resources by vulnerable farmers (Studies II, III, IV and V). It was found that adaptation is not part of current forest policies, but, instead, policies contain elements of risk management practices, which are also relevant to the adaptation of forest ecosystems. These practices include, among others, the management of forest fires, forest genetic resources, non-timber resources and silvicultural practices. Better livelihood opportunities emerged as the priority for the farmers. These vulnerable farmers had different forms of forest management. They have a wide range of experience and practical knowledge relevant to ensure and achieve livelihood improvement alongside sustainable management and good governance of natural resources. The contributions of traded non-timber forest products to climate change adaptation appear limited for local communities, based on their distribution among the stakeholders in the market chain. Plantation (agro)forestry, if well implemented and managed by communities, has a high potential in reducing socio-ecological vulnerability by increasing the food production and restocking degraded forest lands. Integration of legal arrangements with continuous monitoring, evaluation and improvement may drive this activity to support short, medium and long term expectations related to adaptation processes. The study concludes that effective forest governance initiatives led by vulnerable poor groups represent one practical way to improve the adaptive capacities of socio-ecological systems against the impacts of climate change in Africa.

Individuals' Responsibility in Corporations

I discuss role responsibly, individual responsibility and collective responsibility in corporate multinational setting. My case study is about minerals used in electronics that come from the Democratic Republic of Congo. What I try to show throughout the thesis is how many things need to be taken into consideration when we discuss the responsibility of individuals in corporations. No easy and simple answers are available. Instead, we must keep in mind the complexity of the situation at all times, judging cases on individual basis, emphasizing the importance of individual judgement and virtue, as well as the responsibility we all share as members of groups and the wider society. I begin by discussing the demands that are placed on us as employees. There is always a potential for a conflict between our different roles and also the wider demands placed on us. Role demands are usually much more specific than the wider question of how we should act as human beings. The terminology of roles can also be misleading as it can create illusions about our work selves being somehow radically separated from our everyday, true selves. The nature of collective decision-making and its implications for responsibility is important too. When discussing the moral responsibility of an employee in a corporate setting, one must take into account arguments from individual and collective responsibility, as well as role ethics. Individual responsibility is not a separate or competing notion from that of collective responsibility. Rather, the two are interlinked. Individuals' responsibilities in collective settings combine both individual responsibility and collective responsibility (which is different from aggregate individual responsibility). In the majority of cases, both will apply in various degrees. Some members might have individual responsibility in addition to the collective responsibility, while others just the collective responsibility. There are also times when no-one bears individual moral responsibility but the members are still responsible for the collective part. My intuition is that collective moral responsibility is strongly linked to the way the collective setting affects individual judgements and moulds the decisions, and how the individuals use the collective setting to further their own ends. Individuals remain the moral agents but responsibility is collective if the actions in question are collective in character. I also explore the impacts of bureaucratic ethic and its influence on the individual. Bureaucracies can compartmentalize work to such a degree that individual human action is reduced to mere behaviour. Responsibility is diffused and the people working in the bureaucracy can come to view their actions to be outside the normal human realm where they would be responsible for what they do. Language games and rules, anonymity, internal power struggles, and the fragmentation of information are just some of the reasons responsibility and morality can get blurry in big institutional settings. Throughout the thesis I defend the following theses: ● People act differently depending on their roles. This is necessary for our society to function, but the more specific role demands should always be kept in check by the wider requirements of being a good human being. ● Acts in corporations (and other large collectives) are not reducible to individual actions, and cannot be explained fully by the behaviour of individual employees. ● Individuals are responsible for the actions that they undertake in the collective as role occupiers and are very rarely off the hook. Hiding behind role demands is usually only an excuse and shows a lack of virtue. ● Individuals in roles can be responsible even when the collective is not. This depends on if the act they performed was corporate in nature or not. ● Bureaucratic structure affects individual thinking and is not always a healthy environment to work in. ● Individual members can share responsibility with the collective and our share of the collective responsibility is strongly linked to our relations. ● Corporations and other collectives can be responsible for harm even when no individual is at fault. The structure and the policies of the collective are crucial. ● Socialization plays an important role in our morality at both work and outside it. We are all responsible for the kind of moral context we create. ● When accepting a role or a position in a collective, we are attaching ourselves with the values of that collective. ● Ethical theories should put more emphasis on good judgement and decision-making instead of vague generalisations. My conclusion is that the individual person is always in the centre when it comes to responsibility, and not so easily off the hook as we sometimes think. What we do, and especially who we choose to associate ourselves with, does matter and we should be more careful when we choose who we work for. Individuals within corporations are responsible for choosing that the corporation they associate with is one that they can ascribe to morally, if not fully, then at least for the most part. Individuals are also inclusively responsible to a varying degree for the collective activities they contribute to, even in overdetermined contexts. We all are responsible for the kind of corporations we choose to support through our actions as consumers, investors and citizens.

Report of the Frame Survey of Lake Albert conducted in May 2012

Lake Albert and Albert Nile are a major source of fisheries resources sustaining the riparian communities in Uganda and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Like all shared bodies of Uganda Lake Albert and Albert Nile fisheries are faced with immense exploitation pressure one time described as the tragedy of the commons. In Uganda, the lake is shared by five riparian districts namely: Buliisa, Bundibugyo, Hoima, Kibaale and Nebbi. The lake covers a total estimated surface area of 5,270 square kilometers with approximately 60% within Ugandan waters. It is located in the western part of the great rift-valley at an altitude of 618 m above Sea level. The central parts of the lake are characterized by steep escarpments whereas the northern and southern parts lie in a plain of the rift valley. The plains are gently sloping, resulting in shallow swampy inshore waters in many places. The major inflowing rivers are the Semliki and Kafu in the south, and the Victoria Nile at the northern tip. The lake has a diverse fish fauna with a gradient of multi-species fisheries in different parts of the lake. The overall objective of the Frame Survey was to provide information on the facilities and services at landing sites and the composition, magnitude and distribution of fishing effort to guide development and management of the fisheries resources of Lake Albert and Albert Nile. The specific objectives were to provide information on: a) The number of fish landing sites; b) The facilities available at the fish landing sites to service the sector including accessibility; c) The service providers especially fisheries staff at fish landing sites; d) The number of fishers; e) The number and types of fishing crafts and their mode of propulsion; f) The number, types and sizes of fishing gears used on the lake and their mode of operation.

The fisheries resources of Lake Nakivali

Lake Nakivali is one of the four small lakes that form what is known as the koki lake sysyem. It is 14km long,6km wide.26km sqaured in area and has maximum depth of 3.5m at high water level. The lake is located in lake-swamp complex with river Rwizi as the principle inflow, and a number of peripheral lakes among which are four major ones,i.e Lake Nakivali, Mburo, Kachira and Kijanebalola. Lake Nakivali is a controlled lake with four official landing sites, namely: Kikusi, Kahirimbi, Kashojwa and Rukinga. The latter three are located within a Refugee settlement whereas Kikusi is outside. The Nakivali Refugee settlement initially established for Rwandese of Tutsi origin in 1963, now has at least seven nationalities which include people from Rwanda, Democratic Republic of Congo, Somalia, Sudan, Ethiopia, Kenya and Eritrea. By the end of 2006, the lake’s hinterland of about 378 km squared contained 43,448 people of whom 22,448 were refugees. This large population has had stressful impacts on both land and lake resources to the extent that now there is an apparent overfishing on the lake.

Invertebrate communitites of lakes Mutanda, Mulehe, Kayumbu and Chahafi and their role in fishery production

Kisoro is a small district (734 km2 ) located in the highland areas of south western Uganda; bordering with Rwanda in the south, Democratic Republic of Congo in the west and Kabale District in the north and the east. The district contains four medium- to- small lakes namely: Mutanda (26.4 km2 ), Mulehe (4.1 km\ Kayumbu (2.2 km2) and Chahafi 1.0 km2). These lakes support small subsistence fisheries for a largely agricultural local population. They are, therefore, locally important as a source of animal (fish) protein, income and employment to the riparian human communities. The fish species include tilapiine fishes: Oreochromis niloticus, 0. leucostictus, Tilapia zillii; Clarias carsoni (Nsonzi), Barbus spp, Cyprinus carpio (Common carp) and the red shrimps

Report on the frame survey of Lake Albert conducted in May 2012

Lake Albert and Albert Nile are a major source of fisheries resources sustaining the riparian communities in Uganda and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Like all shared bodies of Uganda Lake Albert and Albert Nile fisheries are faced with immense exploitation pressure one time described as the tragedy of the commons. In Uganda, the lake is shared by five riparian districts namely: Buliisa, bundibugyo, Hoima, Kibaale and Nebbi. The lake covers a total estimated surface area of 5,270 km2 with approximately 60% within Ugandan waters (Walker, 1972). It is located in the western part of the great rift-valley at an altitude of 618 m above Sea level. The central parts of the lake are characterized by steep escarpments whereas the northern and southern parts lie in a plain of the rift valley. The plains are gently sloping, resulting in shallow swampy inshore waters in many places. The major inflowing rivers are the Semliki and Kafu in the south, and the Victoria Nile at the northern tip. The lake has a diverse fish fauna with a gradient of multi-species fisheries in different parts of the lake.

Justice for Victims before the International Criminal Court

Many prosecutors and commentators have praised the victim provisions at the International Criminal Court (ICC) as 'justice for victims', which for the first time include participation, protection and reparations. This book critically examines the role of victims in international criminal justice, drawing from human rights, victimology, and best practices in transitional justice.

Drawing on field research in Northern Uganda, Luke Moffet explores the nature of international crimes and assesses the role of victims in the proceedings of the ICC, paying particular attention to their recognition, participation, reparations and protection. The book argues that because of the criminal nature and structural limitations of the ICC, justice for victims is symbolic, requiring State Parties to complement the work of the Court to address victims' needs.

In advancing an innovative theory of justice for victims, and in offering solutions to current challenges, the book will be of great interest and use to academics, practitioners and students engaged in victimology, the ICC, transitional justice, or reparations.

Alternatives de partenariats pour la gestion de l’eau potable dans les quartiers pauvres des zones urbaines : cas de Kinshasa

Face à l’incapacité de l’État à offrir des services de base aux ménages pauvres des zones urbaines périphériques et marginales, ce sont les opérateurs informels (individuels et collectifs) qui s’activent à répondre aujourd’hui aux besoins croissants des ménages. Mais leurs actions sont ponctuelles, éparpillées sur le territoire, non intégrées dans un plan de développement local, et beaucoup de ménages n’ont toujours pas accès à l’eau potable. Cette recherche, de type exploratoire, porte donc sur l’examen d’un type de partenariat entre les acteurs publics et les opérateurs informels collectifs, susceptible de créer la synergie entre les partenaires locaux et de pérenniser la fourniture de l’eau potable. Elle vise à analyser et à comprendre les mécanismes de collaboration entre l’État et les opérateurs informels collectifs en vue d’améliorer la qualité de la vie dans les quartiers urbains pauvres grâce à la résolution des problèmes d’accès à l’eau potable. À partir de l’étude de cas d’une zone pauvre de la ville de Kinshasa (République Démocratique du Congo), nous avons donc cherché à dégager ce qui peut éclairer le fonctionnement du partenariat État-opérateurs informels collectifs. Comme cadre d’analyse, nous avons recouru à l’analyse stratégique et, pour l’examen des expériences de partenariat, nous avons utilisé le modèle de Coston (1998) et recouru aux approches de régulation État-tiers secteur (approche socio-étatique et approche socio-communautaire). La méthode qualitative a été privilégiée. Les données analysées proviennent d’entrevues semi-dirigées, de la recherche documentaire et de l’observation. À partir du modèle de Coston (1998), les résultats obtenus montrent que les relations qui correspondent le mieux au partenariat entre les acteurs publics et les opérateurs informels collectifs sont de type « contractuel » et correspondent à l’orientation socio-étatique. Mais le système formel actuel de gestion de l’eau potable et les relations de pouvoir sont plus proches du type « rivalité ». Notre étude montre également que les partenariats, entre les acteurs publics et les opérateurs informels collectifs, sont très difficiles à instituer, car il n’existe pas encore d’environnement socio-politique solidaire. Le contexte institutionnel n’est pas propice à l’émergence d’un partenariat dynamique. Les déficiences structurelles, humaines et institutionnelles constatées sont la résultante directe de la pauvreté dont sont victimes les individus et les institutions. Les réseaux sociaux (à base de parenté, ethnique ou religieux) affectent les relations entre les individus, membres d’une association locale et les représentants des institutions locales ou nationales. Une complémentarité, négociée entre l’État et les opérateurs informels collectifs, ne pourra se réaliser que par la mise en place de nouvelles politiques favorisant la démocratie, la décentralisation et la promotion du mouvement associatif avec une société civile forte, dynamique, soucieuse du bien commun, privilégiant les qualités managériales plutôt que l’assistance perpétuelle.

De la réforme et de l'harmonisation du droit des sûretés dans un contexte de mondialisation de l'économie : vers un retour au paradigme de l'uniformisation du droit?

La réforme et l’harmonisation du droit des sûretés mobilières sont à l’ordre du jour de plusieurs organisations internationales, car il est admis qu’un régime de sûretés efficient favorise l’accès au crédit à de faibles coûts. L’harmonisation de ce droit comporte deux volets. D’une part, dans l’Occident industrialisé, les efforts d’harmonisation vont de la réforme des droits internes à l’établissement de régimes spéciaux relativement à des biens spécifiques (principalement les biens mobiles de grande valeur, tels les aéronefs, le matériel ferroviaire roulant et les satellites, et les biens incorporels, comprenant les créances, valeurs mobilières, actifs financiers et titres intermédiés). Ces efforts d’harmonisation démontrent que d’un point de vue systémique, malgré quelques différences notables, les régimes nord-américains et européens sont fondés sur des principes similaires et atteignent des résultats comparables. En résulte l’émergence d’un ordre juridique transnational en droit des sûretés mobilières, fondé sur les principes de la primauté de l’individu et la reconnaissance du droit de propriété de l’individu dans ses biens, mis en œuvre grâce à l’État de droit. D’autre part, les institutions financières internationales encouragent l’établissement de régimes de sûretés dans les pays en voie de développement qui obéissent aux mêmes critères que ceux de l’Occident, en insistant sur les réformes institutionnelles et juridiques visant l’établissement d’une bonne gouvernance et l’État de droit. Cependant, une transposition des régimes occidentaux ne peut se faire sans heurts dans les pays en voie de développement, notamment pour des raisons socio-culturelles et politiques. Lorsque les principes de la primauté de l’individu, de la propriété individuelle et de l’État de droit ne sont pas reconnus dans un pays donné, la réforme et l’harmonisation du droit des sûretés s’en trouvent compromis. La démonstration de l’état d’avancement de la réforme et de l’harmonisation du droit des sûretés dans les pays occidentaux industrialisés est faite grâce à une comparaison du Uniform Commercial Code, du Code civil du Québec, des Personal Property Security Acts des provinces canadiennes de common law, des principes des droits français et anglais, de l’influence du droit communautaire sur les pays membres de l’Union Européenne. Sont analysés, aussi, dans cette optique, les principaux instruments de l’harmonisation du droit émanant des organisations internationales. Par ailleurs, deux études de cas relatifs à la réforme du crédit foncier en Égypte et à la réforme de l’urbanisme et de l’habitat en République démocratique du Congo, viennent étayer les difficultés que rencontrent les institutions internationales, telles la Banque mondiale et l’ACDI, dans le cadre de projets de réformes visant la bonne gouvernance et l’instauration d’un véritable État de droit, en partie à cause d’un pluralisme des ordres juridiques de ces pays.

La construction identitaire d'une ONG par la communication : le cas de Médecins sans frontières

L’objet de ce mémoire est de s’interroger sur la co-construction et la négociation de l’identité organisationnelle par la parole dans les interactions quotidiennes. Cette étude a été menée sur une organisation du monde de l’humanitaire, Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) et plus précisément sur une mission réalisée dans la région du Nord- Kivu en République Démocratique du Congo. Les données ont été collectées en employant la méthode du vidéo shadowing, encore appelée vidéo filature, une approche consistant à suivre et filmer des acteurs dans leurs interactions du quotidien, et particulièrement, dans notre cas, le chef de mission. La méthodologie utilisée pour analyser les enregistrements vidéo a, par la suite, été inspirée de l’analyse de conversation et de l’ethnométhodologie. Les concepts phares sur lesquels se base cette recherche sont la « ventriloquie » et la « présentification », deux concepts en communication organisationnelle développés par François Cooren de l’École de Montréal. Plus précisément, nous nous sommes attachés à montrer comment les acteurs de MSF cultivent l’identité et l’image de leur organisation à travers des « conversations identitaires». Nous avons ainsi pu observer et analyser comment les acteurs de l’organisation agissent par le biais de la parole pour construire et établir l’identité de leur organisation, et à travers cela, leur propre identité.

La protection des cyberconsommateurs en droit congolais

Il n’existe présentement aucun code de la consommation dans la législation de la République Démocratique du Congo. Au vu de ce manque d’intérêt du législateur congolais pour les droits des citoyens consommateurs, il ne faut pas s’étonner du mutisme des deux textes réglementaires y régissant le secteur informatique quant à la protection des consommateurs internautes. Le citoyen congolais désireux de faire respecter les droits que lui a conférés un contrat conclu par voie électronique devra s’astreindre (lui ou son procureur) à colliger un certain nombre de textes éparpillés dans la législation de ce pays. La protection juridique accordée au consommateur congolais traditionnel (acheteur de biens matériels en général) se limite en ce moment à quelques dispositions législatives traitant de la publicité dans le secteur pharmaceutique, de l’affichage des prix, de l’interdiction de refuser de vendre un produit une fois que celui-ci a fait l’objet d’une offre et que les conditions de la vente ont été réunies, et de l’interdiction également de refuser de fournir une prestation de services une fois que celle-ci est devenue exigible. À certains égards, et prises dans leur ensemble, les normes éparses relatives à la consommation que la législation congolaise comporte protègent. mais de façon très partielle, les intérêts des consommateurs. Elles sont tout à fait inadéquates quant à la protection des intérêts des « cyberconsommateurs ». La solution à ce vide législatif consiste évidemment à faire adopter une loi en la matière, mais il s’agit là d’une solution imparfaite à cause de son aspect sectoriel. Une solution définitive, à nos yeux, devrait nécessairement être de nature internationale.