Metaphors in Hugo Ch��vez's political discourse:conceptualizing nation, revolution and opposition

This book provides the first comprehensive analysis of metaphors used by Hugo Ch��vez in his efforts to construct and legitimize his Bolivarian Revolution. It focuses on metaphors drawn from three of his most frequent target domains: the nation, his revolution, and the opposition. The author argues that behind an official discourse of inclusion, Ch��vez's choice of metaphors contributes to the construction of a polarizing discourse of exclusion in which his political opponents are represented as enemies of the nation. Ch��vez constructs this polarizing discourse of exclusion by combining metaphors that conceptualize: (a) the nation as a person who has been resurrected by his government, as a person ready to fight for his revolution, or as Ch��vez himself; (b) the revolution as war; and (c) members of the opposition as war combatants or criminals. At the same time, by making explicit references in his discourse about the revolution as the continuation of Sim��n Bol��var's wars of independence, Ch��vez contributes to represent opponents as enemies of the nation, given that in the Venezuelan collective imaginary Bol��var is the symbol of the nation's emancipation.

Metaphors in Hugo Ch��vez's political discourse:conceptualizing nation, revolution and opposition

This dissertation examines Hugo Ch��vez's choice of metaphors in his efforts to construct and legitimize his Bolivarian Revolution. It focuses on metaphors drawn from three of the most frequent target domains present in his discourse: the nation, his revolution, and the opposition. The study argues that behind an official discourse of inclusion, Ch��vez's choice of metaphors contributes to the construction of a polarizing discourse of exclusion in which his political opponents are represented as enemies of the nation.The study shows that Ch��vez constructs this polarizing discourse of exclusion by combining metaphors that conceptualize: (a) the nation as a person who has been resurrected by his government, as a person ready to fight for his revolution, or as Ch��vez himself; (b) the revolution as war; and (c) members of the opposition as war combatants or criminals. At the same time, the study shows that by making explicit references in his discourse about the revolution as the continuation of Bol��var's wars of independence, Ch��vez contributes to represent opponents as enemies of the nation, given that in the Venezuelan collective imaginary Sim��n Bol��var is the symbol of the nation's emancipation.This research, which covers a period of nine years (from Ch��vez's first year in office in 1999 through 2007), is part of the discipline of Political Discourse Analysis (PDA). It is anchored both in the theoretical framework provided by the cognitive linguistic metaphor theory developed by George Lakoff and Mark Johnson described in their book Metaphors We Live By, and in Critical Metaphor Analysis (CMA) as defined by Jonathan Charteris-Black in his book Corpus Approaches to Critical Metaphor Analysis.The study provides the first comprehensive analysis of metaphors used by Ch��vez in his political discourse. It builds upon the findings of previous studies on political discourse analysis in Venezuela by showing that Ch��vez's discourse not only polarizes the country and represents opponents as detractors of national symbols such as Bol��var or his wars of independence (which have been clearly established in previous studies), but also represents political opponents as enemies of the nation.

The United States Congress and Venezuela's Hugo Ch��vez

The Soviet Union's dissolution in December 1991 marks the end of the Cold War and the elimination of the United States' main rival for global political-economic leadership. For decades U.S. foreign policymakers had formulated policies aimed at containing the spread of Soviet communism and Moscow's interventionist policies in the Americas. They now assumed that Latin American leftist revolutionary upheavals could also be committed to history. This study explores how Congress takes an active role in U.S. foreign policymaking when dealing with revolutionary changes in Latin America. This study finds that despite Ch��vez's vitriolic statements and U.S. economic vulnerability due to its dependence on foreign oil sources, Congress today sees Ch��vez as a nuisance and not a threat to U.S. vital interests. Devoid of an extra-hemispheric, anti-American patron intent on challenging the United States for regional leadership, Ch��vez is seen by Congress largely as a threat to the stability of Venezuela's institutions and political-economic stability. Today both the U.S. executive and the legislative branches largely see Bolivarianism a distraction and not an existential threat. The research is based on an examination of Bolivarian Venezuela compared to revolutionary upheaval and governance in Nicaragua over the course of the twentieth century. This project is largely descriptive, qualitative in approach, but quantitative data are used when appropriate. To analyze both the U.S. executive and legislative branches' reaction to revolutionary change, Cole Blasier's theoretical propositions as developed in the Hovering Giant: U.S. Responses to Revolutionary Change in Latin America 1910-1985 are utilized. The present study highlights the fact that Blasier's propositions remain a relevant means for analyzing U.S. foreign policymaking.

The Basis of Support for Hugo Ch��vez: Measuring the Determinants of Presidential Job Approval in Venezuela

Since 1999, Venezuela has experienced a dramatic transformation of its political system with the coming to power of Hugo Ch��vez and his movement, known in Venezuela as Chavismo. Ch��vez has dismantled the previous political system and established neo-populist structures that rely on his personal appeal and the close collaboration of the armed forces. Ch��vez has relied heavily on significant support from the poor and those who felt economically and politically excluded by the ���Punto Fijo system.��� President Ch��vez has built an impressive record of electoral victories; winning every electoral contest except one since coming to power in 1999. He continues to receive relatively high levels of support among sectors of Venezuelan society. However, there is evidence of growing discontent with high crime rates, high levels of inflation, and significant corruption in the public administration. Using data from the AmericasBarometer surveys conducted in 2007, 2008 and 2010, this paper seeks to examine the basis of Ch��vez���s popular support. In general, the AmericasBarometer findings suggest that Venezuelans support for President Ch��vez is closely linked to the access to social programs and that as long as the government is able to fund these social programs or missions, particularly MERCAL and Barrio Adentro, it will possess an important tool to garner and sustain support for President Ch��vez. Our analysis, however, also indicates that evaluations of the national economic situation, more than crime or insecurity, are a key factor that could undermine support for the regime.

The United States Congress and Venezuela's Hugo Ch��vez

The Soviet Union's dissolution in December 1991 marks the end of the Cold War and the elimination of the United States' main rival for global political-economic leadership. For decades U.S. foreign policymakers had formulated policies aimed at containing the spread of Soviet communism and Moscow's interventionist policies in the Americas. They now assumed that Latin American leftist revolutionary upheavals could also be committed to history. This study explores how Congress takes an active role in U.S. foreign policymaking when dealing with revolutionary changes in Latin America. This study finds that despite Chavez's vitriolic statements and U.S. economic vulnerability due to its dependence on foreign oil sources, Congress today sees Chavez as a nuisance and not a threat to U.S. vital interests. Devoid of an extra-hemispheric, anti-American patron intent on challenging the United States for regional leadership, Chavez is seen by Congress largely as a threat to the stability of Venezuela's institutions and political-economic stability. Today both the U.S. executive and the legislative branches largely see Bolivarianism a distraction and not an existential threat. The research is based on an examination of Bolivarian Venezuela compared to revolutionary upheaval and governance in Nicaragua over the course of the twentieth century. This project is largely descriptive, qualitative in approach, but quantitative data are used when appropriate. To analyze both the U.S. executive and legislative branches' reaction to revolutionary change, Cole Blasier's theoretical propositions as developed in the Hovering Giant: U.S. Responses to Revolutionary Change in Latin America 1910- 1985 are utilized. The present study highlights the fact that Blasier's propositions remain a relevant means for analyzing U.S. foreign policymaking.

Hacia la consolidaci��n colectiva del Instituto Rosarista de Acci��n Social ��� Rafael Arenas ��ngel. Fines y medios de acci��n

Este documento contiene la propuesta que la Escuela de Ciencias de la Salud, y sus grupos de investigaci��n en Salud P��blica y Rehabilitaci��n e Integraci��n Social de la Persona con Discapacidad, han construido con el fin de participar en la convocatoria institucional del Instituto Rosarista de Acci��n Social: Fines y medios de acci��n del instituto. Nuestra propuesta es el resultado de una serie de encuentros entre profesores y estudiantes de diferentes unidades acad��micas de la Universidad del Rosario. Representa el inter��s por ser agentes en los derroteros sociales que esta, en su calidad de instituci��n de educaci��n superior, promueve a trav��s de un instituto que busca fundarse y convertirse en un recinto de pensamiento y acci��n, centrado en el valor del conocimiento, con sentido y utilidad en asuntos prioritarios para la sociedad. Con esta propuesta se busca dinamizar a la universidad en pleno en funci��n del objeto de la convocatoria, pues los resultados de la investigaci��n no depender��n de manera exclusiva de los investigadores, y en cambio favorecer��n la participaci��n de diferentes integrantes de la instituci��n que har��n del proyecto un asunto concerniente a todos.

Las manifestaciones del poder constituyente y el poder constituido en la construcci��n de consejos comunales en el Estado T��chira, Venezuela (2005 - 2012)

La presente monograf��a busca proveer elementos de an��lisis acerca del proceso de construcci��n de consejos comunales que ha tenido lugar en la Venezuela contempor��nea. Por sus rasgos diferenciadores y llamativos, el caso particular escogido es el del Estado T��chira. El trabajo se enfocar�� en las caracter��sticas y modos de operaci��n de los actores que ostentan un rol preponderante en el proceso. De igual modo, se recurrir�� a los planteamientos te��ricos fundamentales de Antonio Negri en lo relacionado con los conceptos de poder constituyente y poder constituido, con el objetivo de abordar las interacciones de dichos actores. Se afirma que la din��mica de colaboraci��n-confrontaci��n que distingue aquellas interacciones, se puede analizar a la luz del dualismo que protagonizan las manifestaciones de los poderes reci��n mencionados. Este aspecto arroja informaci��n valiosa para procurar la comprensi��n del fen��meno en cuesti��n.

Incidencia de la pol��tica de Seguridad Democr��tica en la inversi��n y migraci��n venezolana en el sector de hidrocarburos en Colombia. Periodo 2002-2010.

El presente trabajo busca analizar los factores que llevaron a que se produjera una importante din��mica migratoria de venezolanos que llegaron a Colombia a invertir o a trabajar en el sector de hidrocarburos. Espec��ficamente se busca encontrar la incidencia de la pol��tica de Seguridad Democr��tica en este fen��meno tomando como periodo de estudio el gobierno de ��lvaro Uribe V��lez, es decir, de 2002 a 2010. Se examina la percepci��n de seguridad en Colombia vista por los venezolanos y por los colombianos y los diferentes factores que contribuyeron al ���boom��� petrolero en este pa��s. El resultado de las investigaciones de este estudio de caso permite establecer que la Seguridad Democr��tica si fue un factor incidente en las din��micas migratorias pero que se articula junto con otros hechos espec��ficos para que se haya dado de la manera que se dio y que en este texto se expone.

La Fuerza Armada Nacional en la Revoluci��n Bolivariana

En Venezuela, en el seno de la Revoluci��n Bolivariana, la Fuerza Armada Nacional se convierte en una de las principales organizaciones con capacidad para adelantar los objetivos de ese proyecto nacional. En este sentido, los militares tienen un papel pol��tico que cumplir. Lo anterior ha implicado, desde la llegada del presidente Hugo Ch��vez al poder, la puesta en marcha de un nuevo pensamiento militar que se sustenta en los conceptos de seguridad y defensa integral de la naci��n, la adopci��n del principio de corresponsabilidad entre el Estado y la sociedad en estos ��mbitos y la reestructuraci��n de la composici��n de la Fuerza Armada Nacional.-----In Venezuela, in the middle of the Bolivarian Revolution, the National Armed Forces become one of the main organizations with the capacity to push the objectives of the Bolivarian Revolution national project. Furthermore, the military have a political role to fulfill. This has entailed, since the arrival of president Hugo Chavez to power, the put into operation of a new military thought based on concepts of national integral defense and security, the adoption of the principle of co-responsibility between the state and society in these realms, and the National Armed Forces��� composition restructuring.