A expansão para o Oeste: a Parceria Transpacífica sob a perspectiva dos Estados Unidos

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

A expansão para o Oeste: a Parceria Transpacífica sob a perspectiva dos Estados Unidos

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Federal regulation of human embryonic stem cell research

President George W. Bush's 2001 statement, which laid out guidelines for research that uses human embryonic stem cells to qualify for federal funding, intends to prevent new embryonic stem cell lines from being developed, by prohibiting the federal funding of research that uses embryonic stem cell lines other than those that existed at the time of the policy's inception and were approved by the National Institutes of Health. This policy raises questions of medical and technological ethics and the governments' role in making decisions regarding the advancement of science based on moral and political opinions. Federal stem cell usage policy directly affects scientific research efforts that are currently on the path to understanding the mechanisms of cell differentiation and could potentially offer answers and therapies for disabilities and many chronic diseases. By reviewing the current literature on the background information on human embryonic stem cells, including what they are, where they come from, how they are used for research purposes, and the ethical controversy surrounding their use, I have researched and reported the impact of the 2001 policy on medical research. ^ Both those who support the current policy on human embryonic stem cell research and those who are advocates for policy change have relevant arguments and varying opinions on human embryonic stem cell usage itself. The ethical implication of how embryonic stem cells are obtained has led to fierce debate. This paper presents many arguments for and against hESC research in addition to the policy governing their use. This analysis concludes that the current policy on federal funding of human embryonic stem cell research should be revised to allow research using new stem lines to be eligible for federal funding under specific guidelines. Supporting evidence for this recommendation is provided.^

Obama y América Latina. En: LaRivada, V. 2, n° 2

Luego de las resistencias que George W. Bush generó en la región, la llegada de Barack Obama despertó esperanzas en algunos mandatrios latinoamericanos. En el presente artículo analizamos el vínculo entre Estados Unidos y el resto del continente, a partir del análisis de las últimas dos Cumbres de las Américas: la de Puerto España (2009), en la que primó la expectativa por la relación entre iguales que prometió el recién asumido presidente demócrata; y la de Cartagena (2012), cuando emergió una nueva agenda impuesta por América Latina, pese a las presiones de Washington. Estas cumbres se inscriben en diferentes etapas de la relación entre Estados Unidos y el resto del Hemisferio, que muestran alcances y límites de las estrategias de la Casa Blanca, y reconfiguraciones regionales para enfrentar el poder de Estados Unidos.

State-building in Iraq since 2003: the Challenges and Lessons. Jean Monnet Occasional Paper No. 12/2014

Introduction. In 2003, Iraq was invaded by the US coalition forces that ousted Saddam Hussein’s regime from power before occupying the whole country. The intension, declared by the then American George W. Bush, was to ‘build a decent and democratic society at the centre of the Middle East’ that ‘will become a place of progress and peace.’1 In 2014, three years after the withdrawal of the last American soldier, however, it is difficult to overestimate or exaggerate what is at stake. National unity and territorial integrity have never been so seriously threatened since the country is experiencing the internal fighting in its modern history. Many parts of Iraq, including the northern oil city of Kirkuk, long claimed as an integral part of the semi-autonomous region of Kurdistan, are out of the control of the central government. Large areas in the north including the strategic city of Mosul were seized by the fighters of the Islamic State, an Al-Qaeda offshoot, formerly known as ISIS, who threatened to invade the Kurdistan region before being attacked by airstrikes by the US. They proclaimed a caliphate on both sides of the border with Syria, where they also control vast territory.

The Mirage of the State: Why the West has failed in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali and Central African Republic? Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 14 No. 15, July 2014

The state still matters. However, the members of the Euro-Atlantic community may be misinterpreting this crucial baseline prior launching their military interventions since 2001. The latest violence and collapse of the state of Iraq after the invasion of Northern Iraq by a radical Sunni Muslim terrorist group, so-called Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), demonstrate once again the centrality and requirement of a functioning state in order to maintain violent forces to disrupt domestic and regional stability. Since 2001, the US and its European allies have waged wars against failed-states in order to increase this security and national interests, and then have been involved in some type of state-building.1 This has been the case in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali, and Central African Republic (CAR). France went into Mali (2012) and CAR (2013), which preceded two European Union military and civilian Common Security and Defense Policy missions (CSDP), in order to avoid the collapse of these two states. The threat of the collapse of both states was a concern for the members of the Euro-Atlantic community as it could have spread to the region and causing even greater instabilities. In Mali, the country was under radical Islamic pressures coming from the North after the collapse of Libya ensuing the 2011 Western intervention, while in CAR it was mainly an ethno-religious crisis. Failed states are a real concern, as they can rapidly become training grounds for radical groups and permitting all types of smuggling and trafficking.2 In Mali, France wanted to protect its large French population and avoid the fall of Mali in the hands of radical Islamic groups directly or indirectly linked to Al-Qaeda. A fallen Mali could have destabilized the region of the Sahel and ultimately affected the stability of Southern European borders. France wanted to avoid the development of a safe haven across the Sahel where movements of people and goods are uncontrolled and illegal.3 Since the end of the Cold War, Western powers have been involved in stabilizing neighborhoods and regions, like the Balkans, Africa, and Middle East, which at the exceptions of the Balkans, have led to failed policies. 9/11 changes everything. The US, under President George W. Bush, started to wage war against terrorism and all states link to it. This started a period of continuous Western interventions in this post-9/11 era in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali and CAR. If history has demonstrated one thing, the members of the Euro-Atlantic community are struggling and will continue to struggle to stabilize Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali and Central African Republic (CAR) for one simple reason: no clear endgame. Is it the creation of a state à la Westphalian in order to permit these states to operate as the sole guarantor of security? Or is the reestablishment of status quo in these countries permitting to exit and end Western operations? This article seeks to analyze Western interventions in these five countries in order to reflect on the concept of the state and the erroneous starting point for each intervention.4 In the first part, the political status of each country is analyzed in order to understand the internal and regional crisis. In a second time, the concept of the state, framed into the Buzanian trinity, is discussed and applied to the cases. In the last part the European and American civilian-military doctrines are examined in accordance with their latest military interventions and in their broader spectrum.

Transatlantic Conflict and Cooperation Concerning Trade Issues. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 14 No. 13, July 2014

From the Introduction. Transatlantic relations have undergone significant changes within the past twenty-five years. During the Cold War era, the United States and Western Europe were bound together by a perceived common threat from the Soviet Union. Consequently, economic issues commanded less attention than security issues. After the Cold War ended, economic issues were thought to be the glue that would hold the transatlantic relationship together. Much attention was given for several years to fostering economic cooperation through the development of intergovernmental initiatives. After the terrorist incidents of September 11, 2001 in the United States, and the subsequent wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, security issues again came to the forefront of the relationship. However, in contrast to the earlier era that was mainly characterized by close cooperation, disagreements between the United States and major countries of Western Europe about how to deal with the terrorist threat created severe strains in the relationship. By 2003, the third year of the George W Bush administration, transatlantic political relations had reached perhaps their lowest point since World War II. They have gradually improved since then, but with a significant setback from Wikileaks revelations, and even more serious strains resulting from the revelations by Edward Snowden concerning United States surveillance activities. Security issues have come to the forefront also in connection with regional unrest in the Middle East, EU nations’ dependence on Russian oil and gas, and Russian intrusions into Ukraine.

The “New World Order”: From Unilateralism to Cosmopolitanism. CES Germany & Europe Working Papers, no. 04.1, 26 January, 2004

On January 26, 2004, the topic of the CES-Berlin Dialogues was "The 'New World Order': From Unilateralism to Cosmopolitanism." It was the second in a series of four meetings organized in Berlin under the med_title 'Redefining Justice.' The session was intended to examine successful and failed arenas of cooperation between the US and Europe; political misunderstandings and conscious manipulation; and models for future transatlantic relations. The presenters were Jeffrey Herf, Professor of History, University of Maryland, and Prof. Dr. Jürgen Neyer, Professor of International Political Economy, Ludwig-Maximilians-University of Munich, and Heisenberg Fellow of the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft at the Department of Political and Social Sciences of the Freie Universität Berlin. Jeffrey Herf was asked to speak on the basic tenets of U.S. foreign policy in the administration of President George W. Bush, and Jürgen Neyer focused on the European view of international relations and conduct in the period since the invasion of Iraq.

Res. of G.W. Gale, Sec. 19, Superior Tp. Michigan

Superior Township (Mich.) residence. Publication information: Chicago, Ill. : Everts & Stewart, 1874.

How Private Geo. W. Peck put down the rebellion : or, The funny experiences of a raw recruit /

Bound with the author's Peck's boss book. [Chicago], 1900.