¿Régimen del terror o aceptación pasiva?: cultura política nicaragüense durante el régimen de los Somoza (1936 – 1979)

Esta monografía busca explicar la incidencia de la cultura política nicaragüense en el mantenimiento del régimen de los Somoza (1936 – 1979). Se explorará la incidencia de la cultura política nicaragüense en el régimen autoritario tradicional de los Somoza a través de las orientaciones cognitivas, afectivas y evaluativas de la población, que permitieron el mantenimiento y una relativa estabilidad y duración de aquél en Nicaragua. Se comprenderá el régimen somocista como un régimen autoritario tradicional. Posteriormente, siguiendo los postulados de Gabriel Almond y Sidney Verba, se identificará los principales elementos de la cultura política nicaragüense durante el régimen de los Somoza y por último, se explicará cómo incidió la cultura política en la aceptación pasiva del régimen, el uso del terror como una herramienta de estabilización y la ausencia de una identidad ciudadana democrática.

Conflictes socioterriorials i participació pública en la gestió de l'aigua de la conca del riu Muga (Alt Empordà)

Conflictes socioterritorials i participació pública en la gestió de l'aigua de la conca del riu Muga (Alt Empordà) és un treball que incideix sobre la conflictivitat en la gestió dels rius mediterranis i prospecta en la participació pública -activa i vinculant- per a la resolució de conflictes i la planificació i gestió dels recursos hídrics. En concret, s'ha intentat donar resposta a cinc objectius: Objectius del marc teòric - Comprovar l'existència de dos discursos antagònics (radicalment oposats) en l'esfera social, científica i de gestió dels rius que generen conflicte i que són insostenibles per a una gestió integral dels recursos fluvials: el discurs antropocèntric i el discurs ecocèntric. Matèria d'estudi: L'excepcionalisme humà i l'ecologia profunda en la societat; Les disciplines de la regulació de l'aigua i de l'ecologia fluvial en la ciència; El contracte antropocèntric i el balanç ecocèntric en la gestió; El discurs ambiental (el riu antròpic i ecosistemàtic). - Valorar si les estratègies de participació pública (que involucren als agents socials) gaudeixen -respecte els processos de decisió unilaterals (siguin autoritàries o arbitràries)- de més garanties per corregir i prevenir conflictes desconstructius relacionats amb l'aigua i els recursos fluvials. Matèria d'estudi: Definició de conflicte en positiu; L'estratègia de cooperació i consens en la Resolució Alternativa de Disputes (Alternative Dispute Resolution) i 13 casos resolts de conflictes per l'aigua a l'Oest dels Estats Units; Bases d'un pla de gestió integral, adaptatiu i participatiu i el cas del San Joaquin River Management Plan (Califòrnia, Estats Units). Objectius del marc pràctic. Conca del riu Muga (Alt Empordà) - Contextualitzar la diversificació i intensificació dels usos de l'aigua dins un procés de canvi dels usos del sòl, particularment accelerat a partir de la dècada de 1960 i objecte de problemàtiques socioterritorials d'ençà de la dècada de 1980. Cartografia i matriu de canvi dels usos del sòl de la conca anys 1993 i 1957. Matèria d'estudi: Cartografia i estadística dels usos del sòl de la conca del riu Muga (49 municipis altempordanesos, 1.050 km2), anys 1957 i 1993. Retrospectiva dels espais forestals, d'aigua, conreats i urbanitzats. - Identificar i descriure les tensions i conflictes en l'ús de l'aigua, així com les característiques de les solucions adoptades en el període 1980-2000. Constatar si determinades solucions estructurals han esdevingut problemàtiques a mig o llarg termini, i estimar la probabilitat de conflictes futurs. Matèria d'estudi: 50 incidents problemàtics en abastament d'aigua (26 tensions i 24 conflictes) i 53 mesures per fer-hi front (12 d'adaptació de la demanda i 41 d'adaptació de l'oferta d'aigua) entre els anys 1980 i 2000, i diferenciant dues unitats territorials de la conca (la Muga interior i la plana de la Muga). - Caracteritzar quins són els temes en matèria d'aigua que no disposen de consens entre els agents socioeconòmics, tècnics i polítics locals reunits en les sessions de discussió del projecte MUGA. Determinar si les estratègies participatives poden prosperar perquè són factibles i idònies. Matèria d'estudi: Projecte MUGA: Gestión del recurso agua con participación de agentes. Estudio para la cuenca del río Muga (Girona), 2000-2003 - UAB i UdG; La dissensió d'opinions dels 30 participants a les 4 sessions de discussió entorn l'ús i gestió de l'aigua de la conca de la Muga; 6 temes de conflicte, 14 subtemes i 31 punts de discussió, 9 dels quals punts calents de conflicte (destructius i indicadors de punts de disfunció en la gestió de l'aigua de la conca).

Sobre a importância de construir uma teoria do Direito Internacional em face do nacionalismo

The present essay is based on a lecture delivered on the 25 August 2011 at the KIMEP (Kazakhstan Institute of Management, Economics and Strategic Research). Its principal aim is to explore the relationship between international law and nationalism, whilst arguing that both concepts cannot be viewed as two separate and self-contained realities, but should rather be considered in light of their mutual interaction. The external actions of a nation are reflected internally. Similarly, its internal actions have external repercussions. In this work, such consequences are examined in a nation-state with an authoritarian structure as opposed to those found in a democratic nation-state. Additionally, the concept of nationalism is studied in its variant forms in both these contexts, leading to the premise that an aggressive and expansionist nation-state is unlikely to be guided by a constitution that places a high value on democracy and freedom. A nation which does not respect the liberties of its own nationals will undoubtedly disrespect other States and their nationals, and vice-versa. This begs the question: should international law be irresponsive and neutral in these cases? Although briefly, this work also discusses a personalist or individualist type of nationalism by exploring its foundations and advantages and, consequently, postulating its legitimacy and compatibility with the underlying tenets of international law.

O processo de avaliação dos alunos do 1º ano do ensino médio do centro de ensino Manoel Beckman (São Luís-MA)

Analisar o processo de avaliação dos alunos do 1º ano do Ensino Médio do Centro de Ensino Manoel Beckman é o objetivo desta dissertação caracterizada como um estudo de caso. Para tanto se utilizou metodologia de abordagem qualitativa, por meio de aplicação de entrevistas e questionários além da observação direta aos sujeitos envolvidos, professores (as) e alunos (as) do 1º ano do Ensino Médio. Percebeu-se no desenvolvimento da investigação que a avaliação é direcionada, e, embora usando diversos instrumentos considerados modernos, esta classifica os alunos fazendo uma seleção dos que podem ser aprovados e dos que não podem ser aprovados. Concluiu-se que o trabalho foi significativo, à medida que nos possibilitou conhecer os sujeitos investigados e como a avaliação desempenha uma função classificatória e autoritária na escola, visto que a maioria dos (as) alunos (as) e professores (as) estão preocupados mais com a nota da prova para passar de ano do que com a aprendizagem, apesar desta ser significativa para eles, assim sugere-se que a escola trabalhe a avaliação da aprendizagem, não somente no sentido de aprovar ou reprovar, mas de contribuir com o educando para que ele possa conquistar sua autonomia para o exercício da cidadania.

A Participação da Marinha Grande no 18 de Janeiro de 1934

Portugal viveu um dos períodos mais sombrios da sua História no Século XX, com o regime autoritário liderado por António de Oliveira Salazar, que governou o país com «mão de ferro» durante mais de três décadas, concretamente entre 1933 e 1968, uma vez que se considera que há alteração de regime sempre que muda o referencial e a Constituição do Estado Novo é de 1933. Para além da ausência de democracia e liberdade, o povo português conviveu com a fome e a ignorância durante décadas, foi perseguido e torturado nas prisões continentais e ultramarinas, nomeadamente no Tarrafal, que se localiza no arquipélago de Cabo Verde. Em 18 de janeiro de 1934, o movimento operário português saiu à rua em várias cidades e vilas de Portugal, entre as quais a Marinha Grande. Na origem do movimento revolucionário esteve a decisão do Presidente do Conselho, através da Constituição de 1933, de impedir o funcionamento de sindicatos livres. Contudo, aquela que se previa ser unicamente uma greve geral contra a decisão do regime acabou por ir mais além, sobretudo na cidade vidreira, onde o quartel da GNR foi tomado, tal como a estação dos Correios, existindo ainda hoje dúvidas sobre a constituição de um soviete. Mais de sete décadas após o ato insurrecional continua muito por esclarecer. Esta Dissertação visa, precisamente, obter respostas a questões tão diversas como quem esteve realmente por detrás do 18 de janeiro de 1934 na Marinha Grande, que consequências teve para a política do Estado Novo e, finalmente, que importância teve na conjuntura. Importa ainda esclarecer por que razão esta derrota do movimento operário português é hoje recordada, com pompa e circunstância, na Marinha Grande, como se tivesse sido uma vitória. De facto, na atualidade, fala-se de uma jornada heroica, mas o Partido Comunista Português praticamente ignorou esse movimento até abril de 1974 e o seu líder à época, Bento Gonçalves (1971, p. 138), apelidou-o de “anarqueirada”.

СЛІДИ КОНФЛІКТУ – ПОЛІТИЧНІ В’ЯЗНІ У ПРОЗІ ЗОФІЇ НАЛКОВСЬКОЇ

The main aim of the article is highlighting subplots present in the prose works of Nałkowska which are devoted to Ukrainian and Belarusian political prisoners. The author maintains that the Polish colonizing activity along the so-called ‘Eastern Borderland’ requires a detailed and comprehensive study. The results of this analys is should then be compared against contemporary Ukrainian literature as well as the history of the national liberation and nationalist movements at the beginning of 20th century. The article explores three prose texts by Nałkowska, that is, “Węzły życia” (The Bonds of Life), “Niedobra miłość” (Bad Love) and “Ściany świata” (The Walls of the World). The subplots present in all three works can be analyzed in terms of inevident, yet indelible traces pertaining to ethnic conflicts between Poles, Ukrainians and Belarusians, as well as the Jewish pogroms. The themes that span the above- mentioned text can be outlined as follows: first of all, the radical metamorphosis of political attitudes on the part of the protagonists representing former Legionists; secondly, the heroines’ active work for the benefit of the prisoners, also the political ones. In spite of censorship and visibly more and more extreme politics of the authoritarian state towards ethnic minorities, Nałkowska remained one of the few writers who managed to deliver the arrested history of persecutions. Keywords: politics of colonization, national minority, traces of conflict, political prisoners

La fiesta del Chivo: Trujillo entre la autoridad patriarcal y la imagen salvaje de la nación (Dossier: Novela, historia y nación en América Latina)

En La Fiesta del Chivo, de Mario Vargas Llosa, el autor representa al dictador de la República Dominicana, Rafael Leonidas Trujillo, como un híbrido entre la autoridad patriarcal y la burocracia autoritaria. La reflexión que la autora propone se centra en la observación de la relación entre representaciones de la credibilidad del gobernante en el pueblo dominicano y las pretendidas “realidades”, referentes de estas representaciones en la novela, es decir, la relación entre la ficción literaria y la pretendida lectura cultural de la legitimidad del poder en la cultura popular. Una aproximación a esta siempre inconclusa relación entre la representación y su objeto y a las pretensiones de adecuación entre ambas nos permite observar la relativización de la violencia que forma parte de la mencionada representación literaria.

Theology and politics in Richard Hooker's thought

Although Richard Hooker’s private attitudes were clericalist and authoritarian, his constitutional theory subordinated clergymen to laymen and monarchy to parliamentary statute. This article explains why his political ideas were nonetheless appropriate to his presumed religious purposes. It notes a very intimate connection between his teleological conception of a law and his hostility towards conventional high Calvinist ideas about predestination. The most significant anomaly within his broadly Aristotelian world-view was his belief that politics is nothing but a means to cope with sin. This too can be linked to his religious ends, but it creates an ambiguity that made his doctrines usable by Locke.

Changing HRM systems in two Russian oil companies: Western hegemony or Russian spetsifika?

We contrast attempts to introduce what were seen as sophisticated Western-style human resource management (HRM) systems into two Russian oil companies – a joint venture with a Western multinational corporation (TNK-BP) and a wholly Russian-owned company (Yukos). The drivers for Western hegemony within the joint venture, heavily influenced by expatriates and the established HRM processes introduced by the Western parent, were counteracted to a significant degree by the Russian spetsifika – the peculiarly Russian way of thinking and doing things. In contrast, developments were absorbed faster in the more authoritarian Russian-owned company. The research adds to the theoretical debate about international knowledge transfer and provides detailed empirical data to support our understanding of the effect of both organizational and cultural context on the knowledge-transfer mechanisms of local and multinational companies. As the analysis is based on the perspective of senior local nationals, we also address a relatively under-researched area in the international HRM literature which mostly relies on empirical data collected from expatriates and those based solely in multinational headquarters.

More than Just the Final Straw: Stolen Elections as Revolutionary Triggers

Stolen elections are triggering events that overcome barriers to revolutionary action against electoral authoritarian regimes. They mobilize ordinary citizens, strengthen the opposition, and divide the regime. As neo-institutionalist theories of revolution suggest, the relative openness of electoral authoritarianism inhibits mass protest. But when elections are stolen, regimes undergo “closure,” increasing the probability of protest. The failure of other potential revolutionary precipitants underlines that stolen elections are not merely replaceable final straws. Stolen elections have not only been crucial for the emergence of revolutionary situations, they have shaped outcomes as well. Linking popular mobilization to fraudulent elections has become part of the repertoire of contention of democratic revolutionaries.

Hårda nypor för ett mjukt samhälle? : Om medialisering och rasifiering i utspelspolitikens Sverige

Toughness for a soft society? On medialisation, racialisation and the politics of spin in Sweden In recent years, issues concerning the future of “multicultural Sweden” have become a salient feature in Swedish politics. One important actor in recent years’ debates about the problems confronting “multicultural Sweden” is the Swedish Liberal Party. Since the general election of 2002, the party has gained both publicity and electoral support by focusing the question of “integration of immigrants” in terms of assimilation and intensified demands aimed at the “immigrant Others”. In this article, the party’s recent developments in the area of integration policy is analysed within the framework of two general processes in contemporary politics, the politics of racialisation and the medialisation of politics. The party’s successful interventions in the area of integration policy are built on an intimate as well as complex interplay between racialisation and medialisation. The agenda articulated by the party, further, has several similarities with the agenda of “authoritarian populist” movements throughout Europe.

Demokrati eller presidentdiktatur? : Konstitutionella vägval i postkommunistiska länder

While authoritarian presidents prevail under heavily president-oriented constitutions throughout the post-Soviet region, democracy along parliamentary lines triumphs in Central Europe. This article discusses the constitutional pattern among the post-communist countries on the basis of two general questions: First, how can we explain why strong presidential constitutions dominate throughout the post-Soviet region whereas constrained presidencies and governments anchored in parliament have become the prevailing option in Central Europe? Second, and interlinked with the first question, why have so many post-communist countries (in the post-Soviet region as well as in Central Europe) chosen neither parliamentarism nor presidentialism, but instead semi-presidential arrangements whereby a directly elected president is provided with considerable powers and coexists with a prime minister? The analysis indicates that both historical-institutional and actor-oriented factors are relevant here. Key factors have been regime transition, pre-communist era constitutions and leaders, as well as short-term economic and political considerations. With differing strengths and in partly different ways, these factors seem to have affected the actors’ preferences and final constitutional compromises.

Ukrainas konstitutionella sicksackande : Regimförändring och partiutveckling under semipresidentialism

Ukraine has repeatedly shifted between the two sub-types of semi-presidentialism, i.e. between premier-presidentialism and president-parliamentarism. The aim of this article is to discuss to what extent theoretical arguments against premier-presidential and president-parliamentary systems are relevant for understanding the shifting directions of the Ukrainian regime. As a point of departure, I formulate three main claims from the literature: 1) “President-parliamentarism is less conducive to democratization than premier-presidentialism.”; 2) “Semi-presidentialism in both its variants have built-in incitements for intra-executive conflict between the president and the prime minister.”; 3) “Semi-presidentialism in general, and president-parliamentarism in particular, encourages presidentialization of political parties.” I conclude from the study’s empirical overview that the president-parliamentary system– the constitutional arrangement with the most dismal record of democratization – has been instrumental in strengthening presidential dominance and authoritarian tendencies. The premier-presidential period 2006–2010 was by no means smooth and stable, but the presidential dominance weakened and the survival of the government was firmly anchored in the parliament. During this period, there were also indications of a gradual strengthening of institutional capacity among the main political parties and the parliament began to emerge as a significant political arena.

Towards Presidential Rule in Ukraine : Hybrid Regime Dynamics under Semi-Presidentialism

This article sets out to analyse recent regime developments in Ukraine in relation to semi-presidentialism. The article asks: to what extent and in what ways theoretical arguments against semi-presidentialism (premier-presidential and president-parliamentary systems) are relevant for understanding the changing directions of the Ukrainian regime since the 1990s? The article also reviews the by now overwhelming evidence suggesting that President Yanukovych is turning Ukraine into a more authoritarian hybrid regime and raises the question to what extent the president-parliamentary system might serve this end. The article argues that both kinds of semi-presidentialism have, in different ways, exacerbated rather than mitigated institutional conflict and political stalemate. The return to the president-parliamentary system in 2010 – the constitutional arrangement with the most dismal record of democratisation – was a step in the wrong direction. The premier-presidential regime was by no means ideal, but it had at least two advantages. It weakened the presidential dominance and it explicitly anchored the survival of the government in parliament. The return to the 1996 constitution ties in well with the notion that President Viktor Yanukovych has embarked on an outright authoritarian path.

Politicised pagodas and veiled resistance : contested urban space in Burma.

The urban landscapes of Yangon and Mandalay in Burma (Myanmar) exhibit a rich cultural layering and complex blending of urban forms and architectural styles. But while both cities today are shaped by contemporary economic and political realities, they also clearly reflect
their historical origins—Yangon as the British colonial capital and Mandalay as the last seat of the monarchy. Burma’s ancient religious monuments, monarchical and colonial heritage on the one hand, and new religious edifices, international standard hotels, commercial enterprises, new public buildings and satellite towns on the other hand, represent the two poles of the dialectic of tradition and modernity. The landscapes, as symbolic representations, have been appropriated by
the authoritarian military regime, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) for nation building purposes. But the urban landscapes are also contested and appropriated in symbolic ways and invested with meanings as sites of resistance and struggle by those in opposition, and
are thus contested sites where the power relations of domination and resistance intersect. The paper illustrates these themes with examples drawn from Yangon and Mandalay.