860 resultados para Armed conflicts
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Biodegradable, amphiphilic, four-armed poly(epsilon-caprolactone)-block-poly(ethylene oxide) (PCL-b-PEO) copolymers were synthesized by ring-opening polymerization of ethylene oxide in the presence of four-armed poly(epsilon-caprolactone) (PCL) with terminal OH groups with diethylzinc (ZnEt2) as a catalyst. The chemical structure of PCL-b-PEO copolymer was confirmed by H-1 NMR and C-13 NMR. The hydroxyl end groups of the four-armed PC L were successfully substituted by PEO blocks in the copolymer. The monomodal profile of molecular weight distribution by gel permeation chromatography provided further evidence for the four-armed architecture of the copolymer. Physicochemical properties of the four-armed block copolymers differed from their starting four-armed PCL precursor. The melting points were between those of PCL precursor and linear poly(ethylene glycol). The length of the outer PEO blocks exhibited an obvious effect on the crystallizability of the block copolymer. The degree of swelling of the four-armed block copolymer increased with PEO length and PEO content.
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A simple, productive and low-cost route has been developed to synthesize multi-armed CdTe nanorods using myristic acid (MA) as a complex agent. The yield of this approach can reach 75%. The dimension of the multi-armed nanorods can be controlled by tuning the molar ratios of Cd/Te and Cd/MA; the diameter can be changed from 2 to 7 nm while the length from 15 to 60 nm. The hexagonal structure was confirmed in x-ray diffraction analysis. However, it was assumed that one crystal is composed of the dominant hexagonal structure along with a cubic structure in the core.
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A two-armed polymer with a crown ether core self-assembles to produce macroporous films with pores perpendicularly reaching through the film down to the substrate. A possible assembling mechanism is discussed. The pore size can be conveniently adjusted by changing the solution concentration. These through-hole macroporous films provide a template for fabricating an array of Cu nanoparticle aggregates.
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The size-armed polystyrenes and poly-(methyl methacrylate)s with a triphenylene core showed different self-assembling patterns, isolated cylinders for polySt on mico and highly ordered cylindrical pores for polyMMA on a silicon water. With a decrease of polymer concentration in tetrahydrofuran (HHF), the size and height of cylinders decreased for polySt, but fur polyMMA, the size and depth of the cylindrical pores increased. Slow evaporation of the solvent and a low molecular weight favored the formation of regular patterns.
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Gunning, Jeroen. Hizballah and the logic of political participation, In: 'Terror, Insurgency and the State: Ending Protracted Conflicts', Heiberg, Marianne, O'Leary, Brendan & Tirman, John (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press), p.157-188, 2007. RAE2008
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Wydział Historyczny: Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej
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The print copy of this sermon is held by Pitts Theology Library. The Pitts Theology Library's digital copy was produced as part of the ATLA/ATS Cooperative Digital Resources Initiative (CDRI), funded by the Luce Foundation. Reproduction note: Electronic reproduction. Atlanta, Georgia : Pitts Theology Library, Emory University, 2003. (Thanksgiving Day Sermons, ATLA Cooperative Digital Resources Initiative, CDRI). Joint CDRI project by: Andover-Harvard Library (Harvard Divinity School), Pitts Theology Library (Emory University), and Princeton Theological Seminary Libraries.
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sermon text; MS Word document
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The Border Gateway Protocol (BGP) is the current inter-domain routing protocol used to exchange reachability information between Autonomous Systems (ASes) in the Internet. BGP supports policy-based routing which allows each AS to independently define a set of local policies on which routes it accepts and advertises from/to other networks, as well as on which route it prefers when more than one route becomes available. However, independently chosen local policies may cause global conflicts, which result in protocol divergence. In this paper, we propose a new algorithm, called Adaptive Policy Management Scheme(APMS), to resolve policy conflicts in a distributed manner. Akin to distributed feedback control systems, each AS independently classifies the state of the network as either conflict-free or potentially conflicting by observing its local history only (namely, route flaps). Based on the degree of measured conflicts, each AS dynamically adjusts its own path preferences---increasing its preference for observably stable paths over flapping paths. APMS also includes a mechanism to distinguish route flaps due to topology changes, so as not to confuse them with those due to policy conflicts. A correctness and convergence analysis of APMS based on the sub-stability property of chosen paths is presented. Implementation in the SSF network simulator is performed, and simulation results for different performance metrics are presented. The metrics capture the dynamic performance (in terms of instantaneous throughput, delay, etc.) of APMS and other competing solutions, thus exposing the often neglected aspects of performance.
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This study contexualises the relationship between the armed forces and the civil authority in Ireland using and revising the theoretical framework advanced by Huntington. It tracks the evolution of the idea of a representive body for soldiers in the late 1980s, to the setting up of statutory associations under the Defence Amendment Act 1990. The study considers Irish soldiers political agitation and their use of peaceful democratic activities to achieve their aims. It highlights the fundamental policy arguments that were made against the idea of representation for the army and positions those arguments in the study of civil-military relations. Utilising unique access to secret Department of Defence files, it reveals in-depth ideological arguments advanced by the military authories in Ireland against independent representation. This thesis provides an academic study of the establishment of PDFORRA. It answers key questions regarding the change in the position of Irish government who were categorically opposed to the idea of representation in the army. It illustrates the involvement of other agencies such as the European Organisation of Military Associations (Euromil) reveals reciprocal support by the Irish associations to other emerging groups in Spain. Accessing as yet unpublished Department of Defence files, study analyses tension between the military authorities and the government. It highlights for the first time the role of enlisted personnel in the shaping of new state structures and successfully dismmisses Huntingtons theoretical contention that enlisted personnel are of no consequence in the study of civil-military relations. It fills a gap in our understanding, identified by Finer, as to how politicisation of soldiers takes place. This thesis brings a new dimension to the discipline of civil-military relations and creates new knowledge that will enhance our understanding of an area not covered previously.
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Terrorist attacks by transnational armed groups cause on average 15,000 deaths every year worldwide, with the law enforcement agencies of some states facing many challenges in bringing those responsible to justice. Despite various attempts to codify the law on transnational terrorism since the 1930s, a crime of transnational terrorism under International Law remains contested, reflecting concerns regarding the relative importance of prosecuting members of transnational armed groups before the International Criminal Court. However, a study of the emerging jurisprudence of the International Criminal Court suggests that terrorist attacks cannot be classified as a war crime or a crime against humanity. Therefore, using organisational network theory, this thesis will probe the limits of international criminal law in bringing members of transnational armed groups to justice in the context of changing methods of warfare. Determining the organisational structure of transnational armed groups, provides a powerful analytical framework for examining the challenges in holding members of transnational armed groups accountable before the International Criminal Court, in the context of the relationship between the commanders and the subordinate members of the group.
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Conflicts of interests have long been recognized as potential sources of influence in the conduct and reporting of clinical trials. This controversy was again rekindled after the publication of the latest statin guidelines and a series of studies regarding competing interests in leading medical journals. We investigate the association between declared author conflicts and the outcomes of large cardiovascular trials. We searched the Medline (PubMed) database to identify "phase 2" and "phase 3" clinical trials using the search term "cardiovascular" over the past decade using "10 years" as the filter. We perceived the competing interest as present regardless of the nature such as consulting fees, honoraria, travel imbursements, stock holding, and employment. Of the 699 titles retrieved, 114 studies met the inclusion criteria. Nearly 80% of studies had at least a single author with competing interests. The 114 studies had a total of 1,433 investigators, of which 725 had declared conflicts of interests (50.6%). A total of 66 studies (58%) had half or >50 percent of investigators who had some conflicts of interests. Of these studies, 54 studies had favorable outcomes and only 12 had unfavorable outcomes (p <0.001). Among the type of competing interests, consulting or personal fees was the most common present in 58 investigators (51%). This was followed by research grants present in 55 the researchers (48%). Among 25 (22%) studies, at least one investigator reported stakes in the industry, of which only 2 studies had unfavorable outcomes for the intervention being investigated. Just 1 of the 25 clinical trials with a sample size of >1,000 had no investigators with competing interests. In conclusion, authors conflicts are associated with favorable outcomes in cardiovascular outcome trials.
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This paper critically examines Russia’s compliance with human rights obligations and the rule of law in its ‘war on terror’. It seeks to draw wider parallels with respect for human rights in the framework of the fight against ‘new global terrorism’. Threats to due process, the discriminatory application of the forces of law and order specifically against perceived “non-traditional” Muslim communities, and a ratcheting up of fear of an Islamist threat can be traced following the war in Chechnya and the handling of the Dubrovka Theatre and Beslan school sieges. To what extent are there commonalities with UK complicity in the practice of extraordinary rendition, with atrocities perpetrated in Iraq and Afghanistan, and abuses in Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo? Are the impact of these reflected in domestic security policy and British minority ethnic community relations? [From the Author]