176 resultados para Apartheid


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Resumen tomado de la publicación. Monográfico : la labor formadora de la radio no docente

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Título anterior de la publicación : Boletín de la Comisión Española de la UNESCO.

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Título anterior de la publicación : Boletín de la Comisión Española de la UNESCO

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Resumen copiado del artículo.Título anterior de la publicación: Boletín de la Comisión Española de la UNESCO

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O texto que vos vou apresentar pretende ser uma reflexão inacabada a partir de histórias vividas, de pensamentos que nasceram subjectivos da experiência feita como mulher moçambicana que ousou sonhar como tantas outras mulheres sonharam que, um dia Moçambique seria um país independente, livre do neocolonialismo, onde todos pudessem viver como pessoas, como iguais, como irmãos. Este pequeno trabalho não teria sido possível sem o apoio de Filipa Balthazar e de Gertrudes Vitorino, com quem trabalhei na OMM (Organização da Mulher Moçambicana) e da AWEPA (Associação de Parlamentares Europeus contra o Racismo e o Apartheid), através de Lucia van den Berg e Ana Mendonça, que me convidaram a entrar num Projecto belísssimo – Mulher & Democracia e do qual apresentei parte destas reflexões num Seminário “A Mulher Africana e o Desenvolvimento Africano. O caso de Moçambique”, na Universidade de Oslo, de 26 a 30 de Setembro de 1994, em parceria com a escritora moçambicana Paulina Chiziane. Qual foi o caminho que se seguiu neste pequeno ensaio? Como historiadora proponho-vos o estudo e a pesquisa sobre a história de povos, culturas e civilizações, o que possibilitará ao leitor, o conhecimento de a Mulher na África Lusófona, sobretudo a Moçambicana, o seu papel na modernização, re–invenção da tradição, reconstrução e reconciliação nacionais, aprofundando-o através de fontes documentais, orais e escritas e de bibliografia recente, numa perspectiva comparada, africana e global. As questões que se nos levantaram foram as seguintes: 1 O que é ser Mulher Moçambicana - ontem, hoje e amanhã? 2. Quais os conceitos – chave? Rebeldes, clandestinas e guerrilheiras. Papéis femininos na construção de nações, na formação da África Lusófona independente. 3. Quais foram as associações e organizações partidárias que se destacaram? O papel de intelectuais, escritoras e jornalistas. Permanências, descontinuidades e exílios. 4. Que relação haverá entre Educação e Democracia? 5. Qual o papel da Mulher, no quadro da sociedade civil na defesa dos Direitos Humanos? A questão da mulher, do seu papel e lugar na sociedade continua em aceso debate em todos os fóruns internacionais e, em particular, na Unidade Africana, sendo sublinhado em importantes documentos como a NEPAD (Nova Parceria para o Desenvolvimento de África). Consta-se ainda a situação de opressão e de marginalização em que se encontra a mulher africana de hoje. E, geralmente analisa-se esta questão, partindo de uma perspectiva e de modelos teóricos eurocêntricos, que nada têm a haver com a realidade africana. Este pequeno texto que ora apresentamos, pretende demarcar-se de uma visão negativa e errada não só da história como também da realidade sociológica e cultural dos povos africanos 2. Gostaríamos de contribuir para uma história de Moçambique, no feminino, onde fosse possível compreender correctamente a situação da mulher. O objectivo desta análise é, essencialmente prático: facilitar a compreensão da sociedade moçambicana, que é tão complexa, mosaico de povos e de culturas, tão cheia de tensões sociais, tão plena de obstáculos à participação da mulher. Identificar esses obstáculos parece-me importantíssimo para perspectivar “saltos”, “mudanças”, alternativas”. Para tal, foi necessário estar no terreno, lançarmo-nos em trabalho de campo, o que foi possível com o apoio da OMM para observar, verificar e analisar o que é que entrava a participação da mulher no seio da família, na sociedade, no local de trabalho e na vida política. A finalidade era clara: garantir a ampla participação da Mulher Moçambicana nesta fase de democratização. Como fazê-lo? A OMM deu uma resposta de participação activa na sociedade civil, como movimento de massas, que acompanhei de perto. Por isso, vos convido a conhecer essa experiência concretizada num projecto que esteve em marcha, intitulado: “Mulher & Democracia”.

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El color de la razón y del pensamiento crítico en las Américas, ha requerido de búsquedas encaminadas a explicar el porqué del color y sus matices. La modernidad europea y latinoamericana, constituyen el escenario en donde hemos visualizado la actuación de imágenes conceptuales que enfatizan el “color” de cada actor y acción. Para el efecto, analizamos “ciertos” aspectos de las propuestas de algunos pensadores, en tres momentos: En el primero a Leopoldo Zea, quien enfatiza la articulación entre la dialéctica del colonialismo y la dependencia, mediada por la dialéctica hegeliana y marxista; y, a Bolívar Echeverría, en lo referente a la relación que se da en América Latina entre modernidad, capitalismo y mestizaje (barroco) o apartheid. En el segundo, la intersección mediada clase/raza manifiesta en las tesis de Aimé Césaire y Frantz Fanon. En el tercero, la “crítica negativa” del paradigma modernidad/colonialidad, elaborada por Aníbal Quijano, Enrique Dussel, Walter Mignolo y Nelson Maldonado, entre otros. La elaboración teórica y la re-construcción de los momentos históricos, simultáneamente concebidos, nos han permitido descifrar el “color” de la razón, como momento necesario para establecer las condiciones que posibilitan un diálogo filosófico intercultural.

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"La patria sudafricana que nos acoge en Ciudad del Cabo demostró en la lucha victoriosa contra el régimen del apartheid que los pueblos pueden derrotar los imperios, y la injusticia extrema que los sustenta. Inspirados en ese ejemplo histórico de coraje y fuerza, acudimos a esta asamblea para hacer visible ante el mundo que somos capaces de rebelarnos; que la energía solidaria y creatividad que emana de nuestras comunidades y culturas es el mejor antídoto contra la irracionalidad y ceguera de esa minoría poderosa que obstaculiza la construcción de un mundo centrado en la vida, en la vigencia solidaria del bien común y en la multiplicación de modos de vivir saludables y bio-seguros."

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This paper deals with second-generation Barbadians or 'Bajan-Brits', who have decided to,return' to the birthplace of their parents, focusing on their reactions to matters relating to race relations and racialised identities. The importance of race and the operation of the 'colour-class' system in the Caribbean are established at the outset. Based on fifty-two qualitative in-depth interviews, the paper initially considers the positive things that the second-generation migrants report about living in a majority black country and the salience of such racial affirmation as part of their migration process. The paper then presents an analysis of the narratives provided by the Bajan-Brits concerning their reactions to issues relating to race relations in Barbadian society. The impressions of the young returnees provide clear commentaries on what are regarded as (i) the 'acceptance of white hegemony' within Barbadian society, (ii) the occurrence of de facto 'racial segregation, (iii) perceptions of the 'existence of apartheid, and (iv) 'the continuation of slavery'. The account then turns to the contemporary operation of the colour-class system. It is concluded that, despite academic arguments that the colour-class dimension has to be put to one side as the principal dimension of social stratification in the contemporary Caribbean, the second-generation migrants are acutely aware of the continued existence and salience of such gradations within society. Thus, the analysis not only serves to emphasise the continued importance of racial-based stratification in the contemporary Caribbean, but also speaks of the 'hybrid' and 'in-between' racialised identities of the second-generation migrants.

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This paper takes as its starting point the assertion that current rangeland management in the central Eastern Cape Province (former Ciskei) of South Africa, is characterised primarily by an ‘open access’ approach. Empirical material drawn from three case-study communities in the region is used to examine the main barriers to management of rangeland as a ‘commons’. The general inability to define and enforce rights to particular grazing resourses in the face of competing claims from ‘outsiders’, as well as inadequate local institutions responsible for rangeland management are highlighted as being of key importance. These are often exacerbated by lack of available grazing land, diffuse user groups and local political and ethnic divisions. Many of these problems have a strong legacy in historical apartheid policies such as forced resettlement and betterment planning. On this basis it is argued that policy should focus on facilitating the emergence of effective, local institutions for rangeland management. Given the limited grazing available to many communities in the region, a critical aspect of this will be finding ways to legitimise current patterns of extensive resource use, which traverse existing ‘community’ boundaries. However, this runs counter to recent legislation, which strongly links community management with legal ownership of land within strict boundaries often defined through fencing. Finding ways to overcome this apparent disjuncture between theory and policy will be vital for the effective management of common pool grazing resources in the region.

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Some proponents of local knowledge, such as Sillitoe (2010), have expressed second thoughts about its capacity to effect development on the ‘revolutionary’ scale once predicted. Our argument in this article follows a similar route. Recent research into the management of livestock in South Africa makes clear that rural African livestock farmers experience uncertainty in relation to the control of stock diseases. State provision of veterinary services has been significantly reduced over the past decade. Both white and African livestock owners are to a greater extent left to their own devices. In some areas of animal disease management, African livestock owners have recourse to tried-and-tested local remedies, which are largely plant-based. But especially in the critical sphere of tick control, efficacious treatments are less evident, and livestock owners struggle to find adequate solutions to high tickloads. This is particularly important in South Africa in the early twenty-first century because land reform and the freedom to purchase land in the post-apartheid context affords African stockowners opportunities to expand livestock holdings. Our research suggests that the limits of local knowledge in dealing with ticks is one of the central problems faced by African livestock owners. We judge this not only in relation to efficacy but also the perceptions of livestock owners themselves. While confidence and practice varies, and there is increasing resort of chemical acaricides we were struck by the uncertainty of livestock owners over the best strategies.

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Objectives. This paper considers the intersection of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) and social entrepreneurship in South Africa through the lens of institutional theories and draws upon a number of illustrative case study examples. In particular it: (1) charts the historically evolving relationship between CSR and social entrepreneurship in South Africa, and how this relationship has been informed by institutional changes since the end of apartheid, particularly over the last few years; (2) identifies different interactional relationship forms between social enterprises and corporates engaging in CSR, with an emphasis on new innovative multi-stakeholder partnerships; and (3) considers internal engagements with social responsibility by SME social enterprises in South Africa. Prior Work. Reflecting South Africa’s history of division, the controversial role of business during apartheid, and the ongoing legacies of that period, the South African government has been particularly pro-active in encouraging companies to contribute to development and societal transformation through CSR and Black Economic Empowerment (BEE). Accordingly a substantial body of work now exists examining and critically reflecting upon CSR and BEE across a range of sectors. In response to perceived problems with BEE, efforts have recently been made to foster broader-based economic empowerment. However the implications of these transitions for the relationship between CSR and social entrepreneurship in South Africa have received scant academic attention. Approach. Analysis is undertaken of legislative and policy changes in South Africa with a bearing on CSR and social entrepreneurship. Data collected during fieldwork in South Africa working with 6 social enterprise case studies is utilised including qualitative data from key informant interviews, focus groups with stakeholders and observational research. Results. The paper considers the historically evolving relationship between CSR and social entrepreneurship in South Africa informed by institutional change. Five different relationship forms are identified and illustrated with reference to case examples. Finally internal engagement with social responsibility concerns by small and medium social enterprises are critically discussed. Implications. This paper sheds light on some of the innovative partnerships emerging between corporates and social enterprises in South Africa. It reflects on some of the strengths and weaknesses of South Africa’s policy and legislative approaches. Value. The paper provides insights useful for academic and practitioner audiences. It also has policy relevance, in particularly for other African countries potentially looking to follow South Africa’s example, in the development of legislative and policy frameworks to promote corporate responsibility, empowerment and transformation.

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Can 'constructive engagement' provide a bridge between the pursuit of national interest and concern for human rights? This book explores the experience of Chester Crocker, Reagan's Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, and his policy of 'constructive engagement' with Pretoria during apartheid. It is argued that the policy was, in part, a Cold War-driven attempt to maintain strategically important ties with the South African government, and it explores the repercussions of this. The book also explores the linkage of Namibian independence and Cuban troop withdrawal from Angola. The analysis of this policy has important relevance to the foreign policy dilemmas of today. Abuse of human rights can render some disenfranchised groups vulnerable to terrorist recruitment, and it is argued that Reagan's myopic globalism is being repeated in America's 'War on Terror'. The policy of 'constructive engagement' is once again being used as a diplomatic fig leaf for realpolitik, rather than as a vital tool of diplomacy.

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Chester Crocker was appointed as Reagan's Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs in 1981. He had criticised the inconsistencies of US African policy and proposed a renewed emphasis on the balance between America's global interests with specific regional priorities. While the focus of Congressmen, journalists and public opinion centred on the issue of apartheid, it was the Namibian War of Independence (South African Border War) that initially drew the attention of the Reagan administration, and it was the resolution of this war that remained the priority for the US government in this region throughout Crocker's time in office.

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Uppsatsen har till syfte att belysa sydafrikanska ungdomars syn på demokrati och jämföra denna med ungas syn på demokrati under 70-talet, när de stod i främsta ledet i kampen mot apartheid. Genom att intervjua ett litet antal ungdomar i Kapstadens förorter har jag fått en aning om hur de tänker omkring det nya politiska system som styr Sydafrika idag. Jag har jämfört dessa intervjuer med material från litteratur om ungdomars kamp mot apartheid för att försöka se om synen på demokrati förändrats något medan landet gått från apartheid till demokrati. Utifrån intervjuerna tycker jag mig kunna se ett missnöje med den demokrati som vuxit fram i Sydafrika efter apartheid. Efter tio år kan man se att processen har börjat men också att det går väldigt långsamt, något som är frustrerande när man är ung.Under kampen mot apartheid fanns en fiende, den rasistiska vita maktstrukturen, som man med alla medel försökte förgöra. Det fanns också ett tydligt mål, att införa demokrati och den drömmen förverkligades 1994. I ett demokratiskt samhälle är fienden inte lika tydlig och förändringar är inte lika drastiska. Många av dagen ungdomar har en liknande syn på demokrati som de på 70-talet, men de har även fått upptäcka demokratins baksidor och är därför många gånger inte lika entusiastiska som sina föregångare.

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This article examines the reactions of specialist music teachers to the introduction of Outcomes-Based Education (OBE) in South Africa. OBE has been seen in post-apartheid South Africa as a way to transform education and address the imbalances of the past. The study reported here used questionnaires to explore attitudes of teachers at independent schools in Johannesburg in the first year of implementing OBE. Analysis of data revealed both positive and negative attitudes as well as the strong need for teachers professional development if OBE is to succeed.