863 resultados para American Convention on Human Rights
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El punto de partida de nuestro estudio se sitúa en el polémico y discutido asunto resuelto por la sentencia del Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos de 8 de diciembre de 2009, Caso Muñoz Díaz c. España, donde se condena al Estado español por denegar la pensión de viudedad a una ciudadana casada exclusivamente por el rito matrimonial gitano. Al hilo de esta resolución analizaremos, entre otras cuestiones, las diversas formas matrimoniales a las que nuestro legislador otorga efectos civiles, la incidencia de dichas disposiciones en el principio de igualdad y no discriminación consagrado en el artículo 14 de la Constitución y en el artículo 14 del Convenio Europeo de Derechos Humanos, y la posible vulneración de dicho principio en el marco de las prestaciones sociales reguladas en la Ley General de la Seguridad Social, recientemente reformada.
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ResumenEn el presente artículo se analiza cuáles son las restricciones que impone la Convención Americanade Derechos Humanos en la construcción de un sistema de elección de representantes populares.Para ello, se tomarán herramientas de Social Choice Theory, que nos permitirán depurar y encontrarprecisamente cuales sistemas electorales no pueden ser tolerados en el Sistema Interamericano deDerechos Humanos.Palabras clave: Social Choice Theory, Derechos Políticos, Teorema de la Imposibilidad de Arrow,Sistema Interamericano de Derechos Humanos.AbstractThis article analyzes which are the restrictions that the American Convention of Human Rights imposeson the construction of an electoral system for popular representation. To do so, tools from Social ChoiceTheory will be taken which will allow us to precise and find which exact electoral systems cannot be toleratedin the Inter-American Human Rights System.Keywords: Social Choice Theory, Political Rights, Arrow’s Impossibility Theorem, Inter-AmericanHuman Rights System.
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Subcommittees' names in reverse order in pt. 2.
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The Commission on the Status of African-Americans, formerly known as the Commission on the Status of Blacks, was created by statute in 1988. The nine members of the commission are appointed by the Governor and represent each region of the State where there is a significant African-American population. Meetings are open to the public. The commission sets policy for and provides direction to the Division of the Status of African-Americans within the Department of Human Rights. The division administrator is appointed by the Governor and confirmed by the Iowa Senate.
Resumo:
The Commission on the Status of African-Americans, formerly known as the Commission on the Status of Blacks, was created by statute in 1988. The nine members of the commission are appointed by the Governor and represent each region of the State where there is a significant African-American population. Meetings are open to the public. The commission sets policy for and provides direction to the Division of the Status of African-Americans within the Department of Human Rights. The division administrator is appointed by the Governor and confirmed by the Iowa Senate.
Resumo:
The Commission on the Status of African-Americans, formerly known as the Commission on the Status of Blacks, was created by statute in 1988. The nine members of the commission are appointed by the Governor and represent each region of the State where there is a significant African-American population. Meetings are open to the public. The commission sets policy for and provides direction to the Division of the Status of African-Americans within the Department of Human Rights. The division administrator is appointed by the Governor and confirmed by the Iowa Senate.
Resumo:
The Commission on the Status of African-Americans, formerly known as the Commission on the Status of Blacks, was created by statute in 1988. The nine members of the commission are appointed by the Governor and represent each region of the State where there is a significant African-American population. Meetings are open to the public. The commission sets policy for and provides direction to the Division of the Status of African-Americans within the Department of Human Rights. The division administrator is appointed by the Governor and confirmed by the Iowa Senate.
Resumo:
The Commission on the Status of African-Americans, formerly known as the Commission on the Status of Blacks, was created by statute in 1988. The nine members of the commission are appointed by the Governor and represent each region of the State where there is a significant African-American population. Meetings are open to the public. The commission sets policy for and provides direction to the Division of the Status of African-Americans within the Department of Human Rights. The division administrator is appointed by the Governor and confirmed by the Iowa Senate.
Resumo:
The Commission on the Status of African-Americans, formerly known as the Commission on the Status of Blacks, was created by statute in 1988. The nine members of the commission are appointed by the Governor and represent each region of the State where there is a significant African-American population. Meetings are open to the public. The commission sets policy for and provides direction to the Division of the Status of African-Americans within the Department of Human Rights. The division administrator is appointed by the Governor and confirmed by the Iowa Senate.
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Includes bibliography
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With its turbulent and volatile legal evolution, the right to an abortion in the United States still remains a highly contested issue and has developed into one of the most divisive topics within modern legal discourse. By deconstructing the political underpinnings and legal rationale of the right to an abortion through a systematic case law analysis, I will demonstrate that this right has been incrementally destabilized. This instability embedded in abortion jurisprudence has been primarily produced by a combination of textual ambiguity in the case law and judicial ambivalence regarding this complex area of law. In addition, I argue that the use of the largely discredited substantive due process doctrine to ground this contentious right has also contributed to the lack of legal stability. I assert that when these elements culminate in the realm of reproductive privacy the right to terminate a pregnancy becomes increasingly unstable and contested.
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This article explores human rights and education based on an intervention experience conducted in three schools located in Sao Paulo City, which had as its main goal a substantial reduction in violence (2004-2005). The guideline was that education should be considered a basic human right, taking into consideration the power and authority relations that exist within this institution. What are the problems that we face, nowadays, to consider education as a human right, in the difficult Brazilian history? Is it possible to think about some kind of democratic authority within the school, when our vision of authority is linked to despotic leaders, or even when there is no space for any authority? How does this discussion associate with the violence in our daily life in school? These are some of the questions included in the debate proposed by this article.
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Background: Addressing human rights issues brings forth ethical and political responsibilities for occupational therapists and requires new epistemological and educational approaches. The way occupational therapists have faced these challenges has depended upon historical, cultural and social contexts. Aim and method: By means of literature review and historical analysis, this paper reflects on how occupational therapists have dealt with human matters issues and on the contemporary changes within the profession. Results and discussion: The paper portrays how Latin American occupational therapists have engaged in social transformation by choosing not to transform ethical and political problems into technical matters. Taking into account experiences and views from South Africa, Brazil and Chile, the paper outlines the importance of developing political literacy and interdisciplinary professional/postprofessional education to prepare the new generation of occupational therapists to engage in social transformation. Addressing issues of invisibility and lack of access to human rights, the paper reflects on the need of developing conceptual tools and strategies for change, and discusses the transformations being produced in contemporary occupational therapy. Conclusion: Occupational therapists and scientists need to be attentive to human rights issues. They also need to answer the call for interconnectedness in the present-day complex societies, and engage in networking and a cross-bordering dialogue. Nevertheless, although necessary and welcome, international cooperation requires a permanent exercise of cultural sensitivity, political awareness and self-awareness.