Explaining Prolonged Silences in Transitional Justice: The Disappeared in Cyprus and Spain

The article examines why some postconflict societies defer the recovery of those who forcibly disappeared as a result of political violence, even after a fully fledged democratic regime is consolidated. The prolonged silences in Cyprus and Spain contradict the experience of other countries such as Bosnia, Guatemala, and South Africa, where truth recovery for disappeared or missing persons was a central element of the transition to peace and democracy. Exhumations of mass graves containing the victims from the two periods of violence in Cyprus (1963–1974) and the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) was delayed up until the early 2000s. Cyprus and Spain are well suited to explain both prolonged silences in transitional justice and the puzzling decision to become belated truth seekers. The article shows that in negotiated transitions, a subtle elite agreement links the non-instrumental use of the past with the imminent needs for political stability and nascent democratization. As time passes, selective silence becomes an entrenched feature of the political discourse and democratic institutions, acquiring a hegemonic status and prolonging the silencing of violence.

Germany and the New Global History of Secularism: Questioning the Postcolonial Genealogy

Secularism has emerged as a central category of twenty-first century political thought that in many ways has replaced the theory of secularization. According to postcolonial scholars, neither the theory nor the practice of secularization was politically neutral. They define secularism as the set of discourses, policies, and constitutional arrangements whereby modern states and liberal elites have sought to unify nations and divide colonial populations. This definition is quite different from the original meaning of secularism, as an immanent scientific worldview linked to anticlericalism. Anthropologist Talal Asad has connected nineteenth-century worldview secularism to twenty-first century political secularism through a genealogical account that stresses continuities of liberal hegemony. This essay challenges this account. It argues that liberal elites did not merely subsume worldview secularism in their drive for state secularization. Using the tools of conceptual history, the essay shows that one reason that “secularization” only achieved its contemporary meaning in Germany after 1945 was that radical freethinkers and other anticlerical secularists had previously resisted liberal hegemony. The essay concludes by offering an agenda for research into the discontinuous history of these two types of secularism.

A European Culture War in the Twentieth Century? Antic-Catholicism and Anti-Bolshevism between Moscow, Berlin, and the Vatican 1922 to 1933

The term “culture war” has become a generic expression for secular-catholic conflicts across nineteenth-century Europe. Yet, if measured by acts of violence, anticlericalism peaked in the years between 1927 and 1939, when thousands of Catholic priests and believers were imprisoned or executed and hundreds of churches razed in Mexico, Spain and Russia. This essay argues that not only in these three countries, but indeed across Europe a culture war raged in the interwar period. It takes, as a case study, the interaction of communist and Catholic actors located in the Vatican, the Soviet Union, and Germany in the period between the beginning of the Pontificate of Pius XI in 1922 and Hitler’s appointment as chancellor of Germany in 1933. Using correspondence and reports from the Vatican archives, this essay shows how Papal officials and communist leaders each sought to mobilize the German populace to achieve their own diplomatic ends. German Catholics and communists gladly responded to the call to arms that sounded from Rome and Moscow in 1930, but they did so also to further their own domestic goals. The case study shows how national contexts inflected the transnational dynamics of radical anti-Catholicism in interwar Europe. In the end, agitation against “godlessness” did not lead to the return of a “Christian State” desired by many conservative Christians. Instead, the culture war further destabilized the republic and added a religious dimension to a landscape well suited to National Socialist efforts to reach a Christian population otherwise mistrustful of its völkisch and anticlerical elements.

A Corpus-Linguistic Analysis of News Coverage in Kenya's Daily Nation and Great Britain's Times

Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2015

An integrated approach to Physcomitrella patens transcriptomics reveals importantclues of the evolutionary development of plant organs and sexual reproduction

Land plant evolution required the generation of a new body plan that could resist the harsher and fluctuating environmental conditions found outside of aquatic environments. Unraveling the genetic basis of plant developmental innovations is not only revealing in terms of an evolutionary point of view, but it is also important for understanding the emergence of agronomically important traits. Comparative genetic studies between basal and modern land plants, both at the genome and trancriptome levels, can help in the generation of hypotheses related to the genetic basis of plant evolutionary development.(...)

A violência associada ao desporto

This essay deals with the juridical problems related with violence associated with sports. Begining with an historical analysis of the violent situations, with brief sociological references, we’ll try to reach conclusions regarding the evolution of the phenomenon. A brief reference to comparative law studies will help us understand the measures taken by the portuguese legislator, focusing on a critical analysis of that legislation, on it’s repressive and preventive quality

Sean O'Sullivan fonds

Sean O’Sullivan was born in Hamilton, Ontario, in 1952. At an early age, he demonstrated an interest in politics. A chance meeting with John Diefenbaker in 1963, when Sean was just 11 years old, marked the beginning of his involvement with the Progressive Conservative Party. Diefenbaker became a mentor to him, and the two exchanged correspondence for many years. Sean became an active member of the Party, and his political career took off quickly. In 1965, he was elected to the executive of the Hamilton Area Young Progressive Conservatives, in 1968 was elected President, and also served as Youth Director for Diefenbaker’s re-election campaign. In 1970 he was elected President of the Ontario Young Progressive Conservatives, and in 1971 became Youth Adviser to Premier William Davis. Later that year, Diefenbaker chose Sean to be his Executive Assistant. In addition to his political activities, Sean enrolled at Brock University in 1969 to study political science. In 1972, he resigned as Diefenbaker’s assistant in order to run as a candidate for Hamilton-Wentworth in the federal election that year. At just 20 years of age, Sean was the youngest MP elected to the House of Commons. While working as an MP, Sean continued his studies at Brock University part-time, graduating with distinction. After being re-elected in 1974, he rose to greater prominence when he succeeded in having a private member’s bill passed making the beaver one of Canada’s national symbols. In 1977, he resigned as MP in order to pursue religious studies and become a Catholic priest. After completing four years of studies at the Irish College of Rome’s Gregorian University, Sean was ordained a priest in Toronto in 1981. In July, 1982, he was appointed Director of Vocations (full-time recruiter) for the archdiocese of Toronto. In this capacity, he implemented a controversial and widely publicized campaign to recruit priests. The recruitment succeeded in generating interest in the priesthood, doubling the number of students in the archdiocese. He was one of the founding members of Serra House, a residence for students considering the priesthood. After his term as Vocations Director ended in 1985, O’Sullivan became publisher of The Catholic Register, a weekly church newspaper. That same year, he was awarded an honorary doctorate from Brock University. In January 1987, he was appointed a Member of the Order of Canada. Later that year, he submitted a report to the Attorney General of Ontario, titled You’ve got a Friend, after conducting an independent review of Advocacy for Vulnerable Adults in Ontario at the request of the government. In 1983, O’Sullivan was diagnosed with leukemia. The disease went into remission after treatment, but was incurable. In 1989, he had a bone marrow transplant at Princess Margaret Hospital in Toronto, but died shortly afterwards. He was 37 years old. A memorial fund was established in his name, and included contributions from prominent business, church and political leaders such as Prime Minister Brian Mulroney, Toronto Sun Chairman Doug Crieghton and His Eminence G. Emmett Carter. The O’Sullivan family requested that Brock University be the beneficiary of the proceeds of the campaign.

Resignation from Parliament, 1977

A letter of resignation from parliament. Sean O'Sullivan decided to resign from his MP position in parliament in 1977 to pursue religious studies and become a Catholic priest.

L'altérité selon Lévinas et Ricoeur comme prémisse éthique au dialogue judéo-chrétien

L‟objectif de mon mémoire se concentre sur la notion d‟altérité émanant des philosophies d‟Emmanuel Lévinas et de Paul Ricoeur ; je m‟intéresse plus précisément au concept clé d‟éthique et de savoir en quoi enrichit-elle le dialogue judéo-chrétien. Le point initial de ma réflexion est l‟herméneutique biblique, qu‟Emmanuel Lévinas et Paul Ricoeur articulent, d‟après moi, différemment selon leurs héritages religieux respectifs à savoir juif et chrétien. Néanmoins, la signification éthique des Textes Sacrés perdure pour chacun d‟eux comme lieu commun même si la signification leur est différente et propre à leurs traditions religieuses. Ainsi, dans ce mémoire l‟altérité développée par Lévinas, talmudiste reconnu, sera comparée avec la pensée de Ricoeur dont la conception est davantage chrétienne, en référence à son travail exégétique. Quand bien même Lévinas et Ricoeur ont tenu à distinguer leurs philosophies de leurs théologies, l‟hypothèse de départ prend une liberté herméneutique qui oscille souvent entre philosophie et théologie et qui tend à retracer au mieux l‟altérité et son lien intrinsèque avec l‟éthique. Cette lecture comparatiste m‟amènera donc à penser et à intégrer l‟altérité comme une prémisse éthique au dialogue judéo-chrétien. Mon travail en sciences des religions qui prend racine depuis l‟herméneutique même, s‟oriente vers une perspective éthique et dialogique et c‟est cette visée de médiation interreligieuse qui lui confère une appartenance à cette discipline.

La microfinance au coeur d'une géographie du genre renouvelée au Mexique?

Le développement des sociétés à travers le monde est influencé par des dynamiques de pouvoir social. D’une perspective de genre, les relations patriarcales ont contribué à la réorganisation du développement par un accès inégal aux ressources, à l’espace et à la mobilité. La société mexicaine, caractérisée par un fort patriarcat et une pauvreté endémique, a vu émerger de multiples outils de développement pour pallier aux inégalités de genre. Plus récemment, les programmes de microfinance sont devenus un instrument de choix pour lutter contre la marginalisation des femmes et les inégalités de genre. La littérature scientifique présente des lacunes au sujet de la nature des relations de genre dans les ménages qui bénéficient de la microfinance. Plusieurs études portent sur les impacts de la microfinance sur la vie des femmes, mais peu offrent une vision holistique considérant la microfinance comme un outil de développement capable de changer la nature spatiale des inégalités de genre. Cette recherche est basée sur une comparaison qualitative de deux études de cas de groupes de microfinance de San Miguel Tenextatiloyan et d’Émilio Carranza, deux communautés de la Sierra Norte de Puebla (Mexique). Son objectif principal est d’évaluer le degré selon lequel les programmes de microfinance ont changé la place des femmes dans la société. Pour répondre à cette question, un portrait de l’organisation spatiale du genre sera tracé, puis, les impacts des programmes de microfinance sur la place des femmes dans les espaces domestiques, de travail et communautaires seront évalués. L’étude mène à la conclusion que les programmes de microfinance du CESDER n’ont pas beaucoup changé la place des femmes dans la société. La recherche dévoile plutôt que, dans un contexte de pauvreté, la microfinance stabilise les ménages et offre des lieux d’échange et de réseautage, mais elle n’offre pas aux femmes une véritable chance d’acquérir plus de contrôle sur leur vie. Deuxièmement, les résultats démontrent que les tâches associées à la reproduction sociale – largement assumée par les femmes - engendrent une barrière structurante à l’empowerment des femmes, un obstacle que la microfinance ne parvient pas entièrement à surmonter. Mots-clés : Géographie du genre, relations de pouvoir, développement, microfinance, spatialité, néolibéralisme, Mexique.

Le Sionisme chrétien contemporain aux États-Unis, entre religion et politique

Réalisé en cotutelle avec L'Université Bordeaux-Montaigne